Showing posts with label dollar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label dollar. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 13, 2022

More on the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

More on the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Thomas Allen

This article reveals more hypocrisy of Biden’s and, by that, America’s approach to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Furthermore, these hypocrites are habitual liars. When Biden, Congressmen, federal bureaucrats, and presstitutes tell half-truths, they are telling a whole lie. As J.I. Packer said, “A half-truth masquerading as the whole truth becomes a complete untruth.” Nevertheless, as one evangelist said, “People love being lied to.”

The Russia-Ukraine conflict is very simple to understand: Russia is bad; Ukraine is good. Putin and Russia are totally depraved and can do nothing good even if they wanted to, which they do not. Like America and Israel, Ukraine is sinless and can do nothing evil even if it wanted to, which it does not.

Russia attacks its neighbor, and that is bad. Israel attacks its neighbors, and that is good. Russia attacks Ukraine, which is a potential threat to Russia, and that is bad. The United States attack Serbia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, and Libya, which are on the other side of the world and of no threat to the United States, and that is good.

Biden claims that he wants peace in Ukraine. Yet, he continues to fund Ukraine’s war efforts and to make insulting belligerent remarks toward Putin. Moreover, Biden urges Zelensky to continue to fight the Russians. His deeds do not match his claims. How much of Biden’s urging Zelensky to fight the Russians to the last Ukrainian relates to preventing evidence of the Biden crime family’s crimes from falling into Russian hands?

Both Biden and Zelensky seem to want a nuclear war. Zelensky would rather have the world destroyed by a nuclear war than loses his power over the people within the borders of Ukraine as they were in 2010. Is Biden’s desire for nuclear war on purpose or from stupidity? 


Antichrist

Some rapture-is-imminent futurists identify Putin as the latest Antichrist after Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden, and other recent candidates have failed to be the Antichrist. John defines the Antichrist as one who denies Jesus is the Christ (1 John 2:18, 2:24, and 4:3). When John wrote this definition, he had Jews in mind. Being a Jew, Zelensky meets this definition of the Antichrist while Putin, who seems to be a believer, does not. (Being Antichrist may explain why Zelensky is trying to persuade Biden, who is also Antichrist, into militarily attacking Russia and, by that, precipitating a nuclear war. What a sacrifice they can offer to their master Satan.)


Petrodollar

Moreover, Biden and his administration and their controllers, the oligarchs, are on the verge of destroying the petrodollar, the US dollar. Biden and NATO’s embargo against Russia and their thief of Russian financial reserves have led Russia to sell its natural gas in Russian roubles instead of US dollars. Because they are losing trust in the United States, both China and India are moving toward buying oil and other imports with the yuan and rupee. Even Saudi Arabia is considering selling its oil in currencies besides the US dollar. If countries start buying and selling oil in currencies other than the US dollar, the value of the dollar will collapse and inflation in the United States will soar. Is this destruction of the US dollar being done deliberately, or is it being done out of stupidity?


Fascism

Russia accuses Ukraine of being a neo-Nazi country. Americans accuse Russians of being neo-Nazis. Both are correct. Nearly all countries today have a fascist political economy. (Corporatism, business-government partnershipism, classical fascism, socialism, national socialism [Nazism], and communism are merely different forms of fascism.)

Under fascism, the government heavily regulates businesses primarily for the benefit of its favorites — the business-government partnership. (Communism is the ultimate form of business-government partnership since business and government become the same entity.) Often the government subsidizes favored businesses, such as bailing out banks. Moreover, the government may own some types of industries and businesses, but such ownership is not necessary because regulation and taxation can achieve the same purpose as governmental ownership. Accompanying the economic system is the welfare state.

Moreover, fascist countries are authoritarian in various degrees; some approach totalitarianism, such as Canada and Australia, or even become totalitarian, such as Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and Communist China. True liberty exists in none of them. Nevertheless, the governments of most fascist countries are democratic in that the people elect the principal governmental leaders in elections that are at least as honest as the 2020 US presidential election.

Although not a necessary component of fascism, a common component is a racial or ethnic extermination policy. Under Germany’s national socialism, it was the extermination of Jews, Gypsies, and other “undesirables.” Under the fascism of Western Europe, the United States, White Anglophone countries, and South Africa, it is the extermination of the White race. For Ukraine, it is the extermination of Russians, especially in Donbas. For China, it is the Tibetans and Uyghurs who are being exterminated. The Israeli fascist government seeks the extermination of the Palestinians. Nevertheless, not all fascist countries have racial or ethnic extermination policies.

Another component of fascism is militarism. Many fascist countries today have not adopted this component. However, the United States have incorporated militarism. They have been the most militaristic country in the world since World War II.


Crimea

Some claim that Russia has no right to incorporate Crimea into Russia because it entered a treaty that recognized Crimea as part of Ukraine. Apparently, Crimeans are not allowed to have a say in their political status. Only foreigners have the right to decide Crimea’s political status. That a plebiscite of more than 95 percent voted to secede from Ukraine and join Russia does not matter. This plebiscite was at least as honest, probably more honest, than the 2020 US presidential election. So much for democracy!


Conclusion

What America needs is more humility and less arrogance. It needs to purge itself of Yankee Puritanism. America needs to stop patrolling the world and imposing its views, i.e., the views of the oligarchs who control the US government, of proper behavior and forcing countries who deviate from America’s standards and ideals to conform with American standards and ideals.

Hopefully, Americans will wake up before it is too late and see the matrix of lies erected around their lives since at least World War II and throw off their chains. If they do not, they will live the worst of the horrors of Moa’s China — even worst than those depicted in Nineteen Eighty-Four.

Copyright © 2022 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Thursday, August 8, 2019

A Letter: Money and Conspiracy: Part 1 — Money

A Letter: Money and Conspiracy
Part 1 — Money
Thomas Allen

[Editor’s note: The following is a letter written in 2004 responding to an article by Mr. Rittenouse in Countryside. This letter has been divided into two parts: Part 1 — Money and Part 2 — Conspiracy.]


    The following are a few comments on Mr. Rittenhouse’s article “Commodities, Fiat, and Theories,” which appeared in the July/August issue.
    In defining money, Mr. Rittenhouse gives three components that an item must meet to be used as money. It is used as a medium of exchange, a store of value, and a unit of account. Federal reserve notes, which are what passes for money today, meet only two of these three criteria. It is not a store of value. Since the beginning of the Federal Reserve System in 1914, which has a governmentally protected monopoly on issuing (creating) money, the dollar has lost 95 percent of its value. Over this period, an ounce of gold is still worth an ounce of gold. In dollar terms, an ounce of gold equaled about $20 in 1914; today, it equals about $400 [at the beginning of 2019, it buys about $1280 in federal reserve notes]. Thus, gold has retained its value. It is far superior to federal reserve notes as a store of value.
    Furthermore, if federal reserve notes, which are instruments of debt, were the market’s first choice of money, the government would not have to make them legal tender. The legal tender law requires people to accept the governmentally declared money, federal reserve notes, in payment of debt or to forego payment of the debt.
    What made gold and silver money, along with the other items that Mr. Rittenhouse lists that have been used as money, is that they had other uses. Gold and silver are commodities that can be used for something other than money. That they can be used for other things gives them intrinsic value. Before we became so sophisticated, people would never have thought of voluntarily using paper for money because paper has such low intrinsic value. (The paper that was used for exchange was redeemable in gold or silver.) The intrinsic value of a $10 bill is the same as that of a $100 bill. They both use the same amount of paper and ink and cost the same to make. The lack of intrinsic value necessitates legal tender laws.
    Mr. Rittenhouse identifies problems with counterfeiting gold coins or stamping gold coins with a higher weight and purity than it actually has. Paper money has the same problems. There are licensed counterfeiters, which in the United States is the Federal Reserve System. There are unlicenced counterfeiters, who are the people that the Treasury Department goes after. In a society accustomed to a gold coin monetary system, detecting a counterfeit gold is easier for more people than detecting high-quality counterfeit money. (This is especially true when a situation like the one that occurred at the end of World War II. At the end of World War II, the United States gave the Soviet Union the plates and paper needed to print U.S. occupational currency.)
    What Mr. Rittenhouse writes about the Federal Reserve controlling the money supply as a matter of law is true. His claim that federal reserve notes are fiat currency and that people are required to accept them under the penalty of law is also true. The Federal Reserve may be doing a good job of controlling, i.e., increasing the money supply, but any good counterfeiter could do that. However, it has been an extremely poor steward of the dollar having destroyed 95 percent of its value.
    Mr. Rittenhouse goes on to describe the Kondratiev Wave. Like him, I am not sold on this theory. The stories that I read today arguing that we are in the trough the Kondratiev Wave are similar to those that I read in the 1970s. (When corrected for inflation, a bottom in real terms occurred in the 1970s, but was masked by inflation.) If the bottom occurred in the 1970s, then according to the timeline of this theory, the next bottom should not occur until circa 2020. Many of the current advocates of the Kondratiev Wave are predicting that gold like everything else, except the dollar, will decline in value.
    Paper money always loses value over time and eventually becomes worth no more than its Btu content or toilet paper. (In Zimbabwe, a roll of toilet paper has 720 squares and cost 10,000 Zimbabwean dollars. So, if one changes his $10,000-note in the one thousand $10-notes, he has 720 sheets for wiping and $280 left over for spending. [This was in 2004 before Zimbabwe's hyperinflation began really to accelerate.]) An ounce of gold remains an ounce of gold forever. Paper money loses value because the government, through its surrogate central bank, can print money easier than it can raise taxes.
    My outlook on the dollar is pessimistic. The dollar is going down and gold up. Debt is going to drive the dollar down. Before this run is over, which will last another five to ten years, gold is going to $5000 an ounce assuming things do not get really bad [my timing was off considerably for the dollar amount or for the years]. (The run is not over until the DJIA can be bought for an ounce of gold, which means stocks have a long way to fall and gold has a long way to rise.) If things get really bad, then gold is going beyond anyone’s wildest speculation. The wildest speculation that I have come across made by a person who follows the gold market is $111,000 per ounce. This should be a floor. If things get really bad, Mr. Rittenhouse is correct in that all our lives will be in great danger.
    Gold is probably the hardest market to trade or to invest in. In stock, bonds, real estate, and all other markets, the trader or investor has to fight his greed or his fear — never both together. In gold, he has to fight both at the same time. When gold is sky-high, greed enters as it does in other markets. Yet, when gold is sky-high, it is there because of fear.
    The bottom line is spend your federal reserve notes but save your gold. Use federal reserve notes as a purchasing medium, and use gold as a store of value.


Copyright © 2004, 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Part 2

Friday, April 12, 2019

Does the Monetary Unit Determine the Value of Bullion?

Does the Monetary Unit Determine
the Value of Bullion?
Thomas Allen

    One of the debates that economists had during the era of the gold-coin standard[1] was whether the monetary value of the gold coin determined the value of gold bullion or gold bullion determined the value of the gold coin. Is the value of each unit of money determined by the value of the bullion in each unit? Or, is the value of bullion in each unit of money determined by the value of the monetary unit? In other words, is the monetary unit the independent variable, or is gold bullion the independent variable?[2]
    In his book Money (1882), George Weston argues that the value of bullion is determined by the value of coin, the monetary unit. The value of coin is determined by the quantity of coins and paper money. Weston is a proponent of the quantity theory of money. Other things being equal, the quantity of money fixes the value of the monetary unit, which he usually seems to mean its purchasing power. This is true not only for inconvertible fiat government paper notes, it is also true of full-weight gold coins and other types of money. According to him, governments can keep their government notes from deprecating by properly controlling their quantity. Moreover, he seems to prefer fiat paper government notes to full-weight gold coin. (A full-weight gold coin is a coin whose monetary value equals the value of its gold content.)
    Weston believes that a parity between full-weight coin and paper money can be permanently maintained by limiting the quantity of paper money. Moreover, he contends that controlling the quantity of paper money is more reliable than redeeming paper money in coin on demand, which he considers to be “hopelessly treacherous as it is costly and clumsy.” He adds that using the requirement to redeem bank notes in gold coin on demand to regulate the issue of bank notes is “false and fraudulent . . . and had proved itself in practice one of the worst scourges which has ever afflicted mankind.” Such a system causes the quantity of money to fluctuate too much. A superior system is to use the price of gold to regulate the issue of inconvertible paper money. Perhaps, he is correct, but no government has ever achieved the goal of maintaining parity or near parity of paper money with coin or bullion for more than a few years without redemption. Furthermore, rarely does a government use the price of gold to regulate the issue of inconvertible paper money. Such methodology is too restrictive and obviates the purpose of resorting to inconvertible paper money, which is to issue money based on politics and not on economics.
    Weston prefers a static supply of bank notes as the banking systems of England and most other European countries had where nearly all bank notes were backed by gold coin. A major problem with this static money supply is that to fit periods of high demand for notes, such as around Christmas, a large quantity of notes has to remain unused in vaults for most of the year. European countries overcame this inelasticity problem with checkable deposits, which Weston rejects as money. By expanding checkable deposits when demand was high and contracting them when demand was low, banks satisfied the markets’ monetary needs.
    Moreover, Weston believes that the law gives gold its value. Furthermore, the value of gold as merchandise is not an element constituting its value as money. This monetary value of gold can be regulated by varying the quantity of paper money in circulation. Increasing the quantity of paper money decreases the value of gold coin. Here he seems to confuse value with purchasing power. The two are different. Besides, increasing the quantity of paper money does not always lead to a decline in purchasing power of gold coin. In the United States, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the purchasing power of gold coin rose while it was accompanied by a rising supply of paper money (some fiat like the U.S. note[3] and some not like national bank notes[4]) and legal-tender silver dollars.[5] However, fiat paper money and fiat silver dollars may have prevented prices from declining more than they did.
    Also, Weston seems to believe that gold and silver are not money (Murray Rothbard strongly disagrees; he declares that gold is money, whatever its form.) People desire them because of ease of converting them to money — presumably, he means coin and possibly bullion as reserves for paper money. However, gold bullion has been used as money, and not merely as backing for paper money, before and after coinage.
    According to him, civilized people today (1884) do not desire gold for ornamentation but solely for its use as money. If true, the manufacturing of gold jewelry would be an unprofitable undertaking.
    Weston claims that silver coin can be kept at parity with gold coin by limiting the quantity of silver coins. He cites several examples in Europe. Silver coins in the countries that he mentions were either subsidiary coins to gold coin or soon became subsidiary coins. These countries were on the gold standard, and their silver coins were convertible to gold either directly or indirectly. This convertibility — not their quantity — kept the monetary value of these coins at par with gold coin, although the silver content of these coins was worth less than the monetary value of the coin. (If the monetary value of a coin fixes the value of its bullion content as Weston contends, why did not the value of silver rise to match the monetary value of the silver coin?)
    Weston seems deceitful about subsidiary coins and uses them to support his contention that the metal content of a coin does not determine the value of the coin, but the value of the coin determines the value of its metal content. Subsidiary coins are token coins used for transactions so small that full-weight gold coins cannot be used without receiving change in token coins. Moreover, token coins can be redeemed in gold coin. If a subsidiary coin is to circulate, the value of its metal content has to be less than its monetary value or else it will be melted for its metal.
    Nevertheless, his comments on the European silver coins fit the silver dollar in the United States at that time. The silver dollar was fiat money whose quantity was fixed by Congress and the Secretary of the Treasury. According to Weston, it was kept at par with the gold dollar by limiting the quantity of silver dollars manufactured. Although the value of the metal content of the silver dollar was worth less than a dollar, Congress declared the silver dollar to have a legal-tender value of one dollar. Although the silver dollar could not be directly converted to gold, it could be converted indirectly to gold. One means of achieving this conversion was to deposit silver dollars in a bank and then withdraw the money in gold coin. This indirect conversion to gold kept the silver dollar at par with gold.
    Historical examples argue against Weston’s position. As shown below, the value of bullion controls the value of the coin, and not the monetary value stamped on the coin.
    In 1985, Congress authorized the minting of a one-ounce gold coin with a legal tender value of $50 and a one-ounce silver coin with a legal tender value of $1. This action occurred 14 years after gold had ceased having any formal part of the world’s monetary systems. Likewise, it occurred decades after silver had any formal part of the world’s monetary system except as subsidiary coins, which use ended in the mid-1960s.
    If the monetary value of gold coin determined the value of its gold bullion content, which was $327 at end of 1985, then the gold coin should have pulled the value, price, of bullion down to $50 per ounce. Instead of the coin pulling the value of bullion down, bullion raised the value of the coin up. Likewise, silver bullion in the one-ounce $1 silver coin raised the value of the coin instead of the silver coin pulling the value of bullion down to $1 per ounce.
    Under the  Bretton Woods system, the US government guaranteed the US dollar to have the value of one thirty-fifth of an ounce of gold and exchanged one ounce of gold at the rate of $35 per ounce when a foreign government or its central bank redeemed its dollars. During the 1960s, the value, price, of gold bullion rose above $35 per ounce. If Weston were correct in that the value of the monetary unit determines the value of bullion, such a dichotomy could not have occurred. The price of gold could not have risen above $35 per ounce. As a result of the divergence between the monetary unit and bullion, the Bretton Woods system was abandoned in 1971.
    The same effect occurred in Weston’s day when Congress authorized the issuance of government notes called US notes and nicknamed greenbacks. Soon after issuance, the $10 US note began trading at a discount to the $10 gold coin. Although the magnitude of the discount varied, the US note did not exchange at par with gold coin until it became redeemable in gold. If the monetary unit determines the value of bullion, then the $10 US note should have remained at par with the $10 gold coin. Moreover, if the monetary unit determined the value of bullion, then subsidiary silver coins should have remained in circulation. They did not. For several years subsidiary silver coins ceased circulating because their value as bullion exceeded their value as money.
    According to Weston, the value of the dollar is determined by the quantity of coin and paper money. As S. McLean Hardy’s statistical study shows, during the War, the value of the dollar had more to do with Confederate victories and defeats than with its quantity. Confidence, not quantity, gives inconvertible paper money its value, although its quantity affects confidence. Convertibility gives paper money its value whatever its quantity.
    Weston does acknowledge that paper money can depreciate against gold coin and cause gold coins to cease circulating. How can this be if the value of money determines the value of gold bullion in the coin? How can the value of the bullion content of a $10 gold coin rise above the $10 monetary value stamped on the coin, if the monetary value of the coin determines the value of its bullion content? The experience that he witnessed with the US note proves that the value of the monetary unit does not fix the value of its bullion content.
    Centuries before the first precious metal coin was ever minted, people bought and sold goods and services with gold and silver bullion. Genesis 23:16 records such an event when Abraham bought a burial plot for his deceased wife by weighing out silver.
    More proof that a coin’s bullion content governs its monetary value is that well-worn coins exchange by their weight rather than by the monetary value stamped on them unless the law prohibits such discounting. In which case, the law is often ignored by refusing to accept the worn coin in trade at its full monetary value. (Unfortunately, creditors often had to accept worn coins in payment of debt.) Some countries under the gold standard allowed by law exchanges of well-worn coins by weight rather than by tale. Even in some countries that prohibited such discounting guaranteed the full-weight of their coins by exchanging new full-weight coins for worn coins.
    Weston asserts that suspension of the gold standard, i.e., the suspension of convertibility of paper money, in one country adds to the number of gold coins in other countries. The resumption of the gold standard, i.e., returning to convertibility of paper money in gold coin, draws gold coins from other countries. He ignores the large sink of hoarded coins, gold bullion, jewelry, ornamentation, plate, and other gold products that can absorb the excess gold under suspension and can return it under resumption. Thus, according to him, the abandonment of the gold standard in one major commercial country causes the value of gold in other countries to fall. Resumption of the gold standard causes the value gold in other countries to rise.
    When a country suspends species payments, Weston claims that its coins flow to other countries and reduce the value of money, and by that, the value of gold, in these countries. If so, the effect is only temporary. The value of gold as bullion and in coin is nearly equal worldwide. Moreover, the global quantity of gold available for monetary use is so massive compared with what may flee one country that the effect of the fleeing gold would be small or even insignificant. Weston would counter that this new supply of gold is sufficient to lower its value worldwide.
    If Weston is correct in that whatever gold that flees a country that has suspended the gold standard flows into the monetary system of other countries, only a small part will end up in circulating gold coins. Most will go to banks as deposits and become the basis for credit expansion. Most of the money created by this expansion will be as checkable deposits while some will be as bank notes. This credit expansion is what causes monetary inflation and the resulting rising prices. Its contraction results in deflation and decline in prices. However, many problems associated with credit expansion can be avoided by using sound banking practices (not fractional reserve banking practices, which allows multiple parties to use the same money simultaneously). Sound banking practices include not borrowing short and lending long and backing all checkable deposits 100 percent with full-weight coin or commercial money.[6] (Commercial money is a real bill of exchange that is self-liquidating usually within 90 days or less; it can only function under a commodity standard like the gold standard.)
    The decline in purchasing power, Weston contends, results from a reduction in demand for gold as coin when the gold standard is suspended. However, he claims that the loss in purchasing power results from a loss of the value of gold coin. The reverse occurs when the gold standard is resumed and paper money is again convertible in gold. Purchasing power of coin and paper increases because the value of gold increases. He ignores the quality of money theory, which explains the fall and rise of money’s purchasing power, which he calls value. When the gold standard is suspended, low-quality inconvertible paper money, which has less value and purchasing power than gold, replaces gold coin. When the gold standard is resumed, a high-quality money, gold coin and paper money convertible in gold, replaces low-quality inconvertible paper money.
    Moreover, he seems to credit the rise and fall in prices mostly on changes in the supply and demand for monetary gold. He sees the changes in prices being caused by changes in the value of gold. He ignores changes in credit money, except bank notes, which he considers to be real money and not credit money,[7] have much more effect on prices than changes in the supply of gold.
    Weston fails to explain how the monetary unit gets its initial value. Under the gold standard, the monetary unit gets its value from gold. The monetary unit is defined as a specific weight of gold and the monetary unit has the value of that weight of gold. For example, the Gold Standard Act of 1900 defined the dollar as 23.22 grains of gold. Therefore, the dollar had the value of 23.22 grains of gold. This is more proof that the monetary unit derives its value from its metal content as the value of bullion precedes the monetary unit.
    This notion Weston rejects. He claims that the value of the monetary unit, the dollar, gives the 23.22 grains of gold its value. The dollar may give 23.22 grains of gold its price, but it does not give the gold its value. Value and prices are not the same things. Value is subjective; price is objective. Moreover, not everything that has value, has a price; for example, love of one’s mate and children has great value but no price.
    An example of the difference between price and value is that, under the gold standard, when a person buys a shirt for $10, the shirt has the value of 232.2 grains of gold and a price of $10. (Today, when one buys a shirt with a $10 federal reserve note, what is the value of the shirt? Without defining the dollar in terms of itself, which is a poor and unsatisfactory definition that should be unacceptable and not used, such as the value of the dollar is a dollar’s worth of goods, no one can definitively define the value of the dollar.)
    Before any commodity became money, a medium of exchange, it had to have value independently of its monetary use. Its monetary use adds to its value as a commodity, but does not create it. Weston acknowledges that gold had value as ornamentation, etc. before being coined, and its uses as coin add to that value and even gives gold its highest actual value. If true, no gold coin would ever be melted for use as ornamentation, for the highest value of gold is that in the form of a coin. However, as gold coins were often melted for their gold and that gold was used for other purposes, gold as coin is not always its highest use.
    Moreover, Weston is unclear about how paper money gets its value other than the government limiting its quantity. How this limitation initially gives paper money, especially inconvertible paper money, its initial value, he does not explain. Convertible paper money derives its value from the gold that it represents. Inconvertible paper money derives its value from the gold coin that it replaces. Quantity has nothing to do with this initial value.
    In his argument to prove that coin fixes the value of bullion, Weston shows that government can easily manipulate their monetary systems and the purchasing power of their money — usually to the detriment of the people. However, he fails to identify or to describe a governmentally manipulated monetary system that works better than, or even as well as, the gold-coin standard accompanied by a well-functioning credit system, although as an example, he offers Brazil, which used the price of gold as an index to regulate its fiat paper money supply.
     Under the gold-coin standard, the government does not regulate the quantity of gold coins produced. However, it often intervenes to restrict the quantity of bank notes issued, although such intervention is not necessary and probably undesirable as it can distort the markets. Market forces decide the quantity of gold coins minted and gold coins melted. When the government does not intervene, and to some extent, even when it does, market forces regulate the quantity of bank notes issued.
    Whether bank notes and government notes[8] are convertible or inconvertible to full-weight gold coin, Weston argues that they are money in their own right. They are real money and are not merely forms of credit money. True, they are used as a medium of exchange. Also, when they are inconvertible, they nearly always become the unit of account, especially if the government makes them legal tender. However, real money like full-weight gold or silver coin performs one monetary duty that these notes cannot perform. That is, full-weight coin not only discharges debt, it also extinguishes debt because it is no one else’s liability. Bank notes and government notes can only discharge debt. They do so by passing the obligation to another, which is ultimately the person or entity responsible for the note.[9] For example, the US government is the responsible party for today’s federal reserve note. Contrary to Weston’s assertion, bank notes and government notes are not real money; they are credit money and cannot extinguish debt.
    Weston rejects the notion that bills of changes and checkable deposits are money. According to him, they do not have the effect as bank notes and do not increase the quantity of money. Today, as checkable deposits far exceed bank notes as money in industrialized countries, most monetary disturbances like inflation comes from changes in checkable deposits than fluctuation in bank notes.
    Therefore, Weston’s quantity theory of money ignores commercial money, real bills of exchange, as part of the quantity of money. Like bank notes, commercial money is a form of credit money that can be used to purchase goods and discharge debts. Unlike bank notes, commercial money has a specific life, usually 90 days or less, before it expires. Commercial money often exceeds bank notes in quantity and even exceeds the quantity of coins and paper money. If the quantity of money is the sole determinant of the value of money, other things being equal, as Weston asserts, or even the primary determinant, then how can he ignore commercial money? Nevertheless, Weston rejects the notion that bills of exchange are money and, therefore, need no consideration as part of the quantity of money or any quantity of money theory.
    Likewise, Weston’s quantity theory of money also ignores checkable deposits, checkbook money, as part of the quantity of money. Like bank notes, checkable deposits are a form of credit money that can be used to purchase goods and discharge debt. Unlike bank notes, which can pass through many hands before returning to a bank, checks usually pass through only one or two hands before returning to a bank. The major difference between a bank note and checkbook money is that a bank note is an order drawn on a bank to transfer gold from the bank’s account to the bearer and a check is an order to transfer gold from the drawer’s account to bearer. In Weston’s time (1884), in the United States, checkable deposits exceeded bank notes and coin in purchasing goods and discharging debt. He acknowledges that checks are used for most transactions. Moreover, under fractional reserve banking, which was practiced in his day as it is today, checkable deposits exceed species, commercial money and in Britain bank notes and in the United States silver dollars and US notes held by the bank; thus, they exceed what Weston considers real money. Any quality of money theory that ignores checkable deposits is a highly deficient theory. Nevertheless, Weston rejects the notion that checkable deposits are money and, therefore, need no consideration as part of the quantity of money or any quantity of money theory.
    A bank note is merely a check that a bank writes on itself. (Under the system advocated by Weston as modeled after the British system after 1844, this is not the case. Under the British system, what were called bank notes were similar to gold certificates issued in the United States. Whereas gold certificates were fully backed by gold, a fraction of the British notes was backed by nontradable government securities. Like gold certificates, they were warehouse receipts promising to pay the bearer in gold. Unlike US gold certificates, which were not legal tender, British notes were legal tender. Although Weston implies that making bank notes legal tender makes them real money, he seems to accept gold certificates as real money though they were not legal tender.) A bank note, even if it is merely a warehouse receipt, is a credit instrument because it is someone else’s liability. Weston rejects the notion that bank notes are credit instruments: a check that the issuer writes on itself to pay the bearer money, i.e., gold coin. To him, bank notes are money in their own right and are not promises to pay money, i.e., gold coin.
    An interesting note cited by Weston is that John Stuart Mills mused that under the right conditions, deposits and checks might replace currencies altogether. Weston thought that such a replacement was absurd. However, today, most countries are moving to eliminate currency and to force people to use bank deposits and checks, preferably with debit cards instead of paper checks. If this happens, the quantity of money, according to Weston’s theory, goes to zero: Money would cease to exist by his definition of money. Then what would fix the value of gold bullion?
    Weston displays inordinate confidence in the government to manage the country’s monetary system. As the history of the last 100 years shows, governments are highly incompetent in managing their monetary systems if the objective is to avoid inflation, hyperinflation, panics, depressions, recessions, and other economic and monetary disturbances and disasters. If the objective is to transfer wealth and power from the common people to the rich and powerful, they has been highly successful.
    When his quantity theory of money fails, Weston has an out, which is “everything else being equal.” When it fails, it is because “everything else is not equal.”
    In conclusion, Weston argues that the value of gold bullion does not control the value of gold coin or paper money kept at par with it. To the contrary, the opposite is true: The maximum value of gold bullion fluctuates with and is regulated by the value of gold coin and paper money at parity with gold coin. Moreover, the value of the monetary unit depends, other things being equal, on the quantity of monetary units, both coin and paper money.
    Weston errs when he claims that the value of the monetary unit gives gold bullion its value. To the contrary, the value of gold bullion gives the monetary unit its value. The value of gold preceded its use as money, and its use as money preceded its use as coin. Weston confuses value with price. The monetary unit gives gold its price, which is objective, but it does not give gold its value, which is subjective.

Endnotes:
1. See “What is the Gold Standard” by Thomas Allen.

2. See “Is the Price of Gold Fixed Under the Gold Standard” by Thomas Allen.

3. See “The U.S. Note, 1862-1879" by Thomas Allen.

4. See “National Banking System” by Thomas Allen.

5.  See “The Silver Dollar 1873-1900" by Thomas Allen.

6. See “Real Bills Doctrine” by Thomas Allen.

7. See “Differences Between Real Money and Fiat Money” by Thomas Allen.

8. See "Difference Between Bank Notes and Government Notes" by Thomas Allen.

9. See “Extinguishing Debt” by Thomas Allen.

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Saturday, November 10, 2018

Inconvertible Paper Money: The Ideal Money

Inconvertible Paper Money: The Ideal Money
Thomas Allen

    Inconvertible paper money is money that is not convertible into full-weight metallic coin, such as gold and silver coin, on the demand of its holder in spite of its promises or guarantees. Proponents of inconvertible paper money consider it the “ideal money” as it has no intrinsic value and it represents no metallic coin, which they believe to be inferior to paper money.
    Inconvertible paper money derives from two sources. First, and the most common today, are bank notes that become inconvertible because of a suspension of redemption in specie. Today’s federal reserve note is an example of this type of inconvertible paper money. When bank notes are no longer convertible to specie, they begin to behave like inconvertible government notes — especially if the government makes them legal tender and if the government controls their issue either directly or indirectly. Government notes are the second source of inconvertible paper money. That is, the government issues its paper money directly. Examples of government notes are the Assignat, the Continental and the U.S. note between 1862 and 1879. This type of inconvertible paper money was much more common before World War I than it is today. (Today, most inconvertible paper money is bank notes issued for  governments by their central banks, which often have the appearance of independence, but which are really subject to governmental control. Although this money is usually labeled as bank notes, functionally, and for all practical purposes, they are government notes.)
    Promoters of inconvertible paper money based their assertion of the superiority of inconvertible paper to metallic coin on several principles. A discussion of the chief ones follows.
    1. Medium of exchange. According to the adherents of inconvertible paper money, it is superior to metallic money as a medium of exchange. Paper money is a convention and does not have any “intrinsic value.” However, by general consent, it may become the medium of exchange of a country. It may become so acceptable that it cannot be distinguished from the acceptance of gold. This is true as long as custom or law forces people to use the paper money. If gold coin is allowed to circulate, its circulation will cease as people prefer to hoard the more valuable money, gold, and spend the less valuable money, paper. If gold coin does circulate, it will trade at a premium to the paper money.
    2. Common denominator in exchanges. Adherents of inconvertible paper money claim that it functions as well as, if not better than, metallic money as a common denominator in exchanges. Producers want an article of uniform quality that can be easily divided to serve as a common denominator in exchanges. Thus, money is a mere convention to facilitate exchanges. Inconvertible paper money can serve this purpose as well as, if not better than, gold.
    What is called “a common denominator in exchanges” is called “a measure of value” by most economists. Gold coin is superior to inconvertible paper money as a measure of value as its value as money is independent of itself. Inconvertible paper money is inferior to full-weight gold coin in that its monetary unit does not measure anything tangible that is independent of itself. For example, the Gold Standard Act of 1900 defines the dollar as 23.22 grains of gold, which means that it has a value equivalent to 23.22 grains of gold. When the redemption of federal reserve notes in gold coin ceased, federal reserve notes had a value of 23.22 grains of gold. However, as federal reserve notes were no longer convertible to gold, the dollar ceased having the value of 23.22 grains of gold. It ceased having an independent unit of measure. Its measure of value became what a dollar could buy, which is a highly inferior measure of value.
    3. Standard of deferred payment. Adherents of inconvertible paper money assert that it can function better than metallic money as a standard of deferred payment. The better a money can ensure the same purchasing power during the duration of the contract or loan, the better it functions as a standard of deferred payments. Advocates of inconvertible paper money claim that it maintains its purchasing power better than metallic coin.
    Inconvertible paper money can perform as a standard of deferred payment (it does so today) as long as it has popular acceptance. How well it performs this function depends on the regulation of its quality — so assert its proponents. Gold often proves inadequate in performing this function. Nevertheless, gold has historically done a better job of preserving value and, by that, its purchasing power than has inconvertible paper money. Eventually, inconvertible paper money loses popular acceptance. Gold never has although governments have often intervened to prevent its use, as occurred in the United States between 1933 and 1974.
    Moreover, the advocates of inconvertible paper money seldom admit that depreciation, as revealed by a premium on gold or silver, is proof that the paper money has failed as a standard of deferred payment. They argue that the value of paper has not fallen; the value of gold and silver has risen. Whenever they do admit to depreciation, the fault is not with inconvertible paper money itself. It is with the government’s failure to use the correct formula or technique, which they are ready to provide, to regulate the quantity of money. If the depreciation occurs during wartime, the argument is that the enemy is flooding the country with counterfeit notes.
    4. Natural limitations on quantity. Adherents of inconvertible paper money argue that it is superior to metallic money because it is not subject to natural limitations as is metallic money. Unlike gold, inconvertible paper money is not subject to any natural limitations. Coins, hoards, ornamentation, plat, and the like along with mines limit the quantity of gold available for monetary use. The only limitation to the quantity of paper money is the speed at which printing presses can run and the speed at which printing presses, inks, and papers can be manufactured. These limitations can be overcome by putting an ever larger number on the paper notes.
    The production of gold can vary significantly over the years. However, the quantity of newly mined gold entering the market is extremely small when compared with the aboveground stock of gold available for money. This high stock-to-flow ratio stabilizes the value of gold and prevents it from changing significantly. With no restriction other than governmental fiat placed on the production of inconvertible paper money, its quantity can increase without limit — or at least increase until it becomes worthless and no one accepts it.
    According to the advocates of inconvertible paper money, another advantage that it has over metallic money is that the cost of manufacturing paper money is extremely low. Mining gold is expensive.
        5. Not exportable. Adherents identify the inability of inconvertible paper money to be exported to other countries as an advantage that it has over metallic money, which is easily transported. Inconvertible paper money is limited in its circulation to the country of issue. (This may have been true in the past, but it is not true today. The U.S. dollar circulates worldwide. Other fiat inconvertible paper moneys also circulate outside their country of issue.)
    Under the gold standard, an overissue of money is halted by the exportation of gold. No such mechanism exists to halt the overissue of inconvertible paper money.
    Moreover, unlike gold under the gold standard, inconvertible paper money is independent of the actions and monetary policies of other countries. Advocates of inconvertible paper money consider this independence to be a great benefit.
    6. Overissue. Adherents of inconvertible paper money firmly believe that if the government follows the correct formula or technique in issuing it, overissue is impossible. So far, no one has found the correct formula or technique, although fiat money reformers have come forth with several techniques to use to issue the right amount. However, the temptation to issue ever more notes is often too great. Governments find issuing new notes easier and more acceptable than raising taxes. One of the few exceptions is the U.S. note: The government reduced the quantity in circulation and eventually redeemed them in gold.
    Under the gold standard, overissue is a self-correcting, short-lived problem. Any excess gold coins will be exported or converted to bullion. Excess convertible bank notes will be converted to gold coin, which will then be exported or converted to bullion. Thus, the overissue is quickly halted and reversed.
    7. Overissue leads to more issue. Adherents of inconvertible paper money who believe that it may be overissued are convinced that the overissue can be halted instead of leading to more issuance. However, the overissue of inconvertible paper money is seldom halted; the overissue nearly always leads to evermore increases in the money supply.
    When gold is the money, supply and demand applies. Demand creates supply; supply satisfies demand. Excess monetary gold is exported or converted to bullion.
    However, paper money is seldom exportable; it can only be used in the domestic markets. (Today, the U.S. dollar is a notable exception. Being the primary reserve currency of the world and the primary currency for buying and selling goods on the world markets, it is highly exportable. This exportation has spared Americans an enormous rise in prices.) When prices begin to rise because of excessive issuance, the government has to issue more notes just to maintain its current level of consumption. This new issuance leads to more rising prices, which leads to more issuance. Thus, a vicious cycle is created. Soon speculators enter the markets to by goods before their prices rise to sell them at a higher price later; thus, prices begin to rise even more rapidly. A prime example of this phenomenon is the Assignat of the French Revolution.
    In spite of all the historical evidence to the contrary, advocates of inconvertible paper money are convinced that no government can issue more notes than the real necessities of the government require. Unlike banks, governments cannot issue notes for profit. Therefore, the issue of government notes is limited to the absolute wants of the government. Most often governments under issue their notes — so assert some advocates of inconvertible paper money.
    8. Stability. Adherents of inconvertible paper money claim that it is more stabile, i.e., maintains constant purchasing power, than is metallic money. An abstract paper monetary unit is more likely to be less variable in value, purchasing power, than gold. Yet, history has shown that the value of inconvertible paper money is much less stable than the value of gold under the gold standard.
    Historically, gold’s purchasing power tends to rise for a decade or two and decline for a decade or two. However, over decades, its purchasing power is fairly constant. (See Roy Jastram’s study on gold’s purchasing power.)
    On the other hand, inconvertible paper money’s purchasing power tends to decline at varying rates. Moreover, the decline accelerated as the currency approaches its death.
    Depreciating paper money fluctuates primarily for two reasons. First, the demand for money varies. Under the gold standard, this variation in demand is smoothed by gold moving into and out of the country. However, inconvertible paper money remains in the country; thus, its value fluctuates with changing demand. Second, the depreciation of inconvertible paper money impairs its circulation. Depreciation affects confidence in the currency. Inconvertible paper money depreciates more rapidly when confidence is falling and less rapidly when confidence is steady or rising. A rise in confidence may lead to a rise in purchasing power for a while. Political events affect confidence more than the volume of money in circulation.
    9. Benefits the working class. Adherents of inconvertible paper money are adamant in that the primary beneficiary of inconvertible paper money is the working class. They present it as benefitting the working class and gold standard as harming the working class. As with most claims of these advocates, the opposite is true. Inconvertible paper money is an egregious tax on production and labor. It leads to speculation, which benefits sharpies at the expense of workers. Initially, depreciating paper money increases the profits of businesses at the expense of consumers, most of whom are workers. However, these excess profits are short-lived as they attract more businesses. Moreover, inconvertible paper money leads to wasteful habits. As it is nearly always depreciating, its loss of purchasing power causes prices to rise. Moreover, prices rise before wages do and faster than wages. Thus, workers must pay more for goods and services with the same amount of labor. Also, most workers lack the means to hoard goods to sell in the future at much higher prices, or even for their own use. Worse, inconvertible paper money undermines the virtues needed to support the social system of the community. It destroys industry, frugality, and economy while promoting extravagance and speculation. Inconvertible paper money is the most effective means to cheat workers as it transfers the wealth of workers to the rich and the government.
    10. Gold is not essential to the monetary unit. Adherents of inconvertible paper money argue that gold is not essential to defining the monetary unit. They assert that gold is no more essential to the monetary unit than brass or wood of a ruler is to the yard or meter. The yard and meter are not defined by the material of which a ruler is made. They are defined by the distance that light travels in a specific fraction of a second. Likewise, the value of the monetary unit is not defined by the material of which money is made. Under the gold standard, it is defined by the value of a specific weight and purity of gold. For example, the dollar was defined as 23.22 grains of fine gold, and, thus, had a value equal to 23.22 grains of gold. Under today’s monetary standard, the dollar is a nebulous abstraction whose value cannot be defined except in terms of itself.
    Defining the value of the monetary unit, such as the dollar, peso, pound, or euro, as equal to the value of what the monetary unit buys gives the illusion of stability. The dollar always buys a dollar’s worth of goods. However, the quantity and often the quality of goods that a dollar buys declines over time. Anyone who has lived during the permanent suspension of the gold-coin standard and later the suspension of the gold exchange standard has personally witnessed the instability of an abstract monetary unit and its constant deterioration and loss of value.
    Inconvertible paper money may be as bank notes for which redemption has been suspended, such as federal reserve notes after 1932, or forced government notes, such as U.S. notes before 1879. No matter which, both derive their initial value as money from the commodity money, e.g., gold coin, that they replace.
    Unlike gold, which has value both as money and as bullion for ornamentation, etc., inconvertible paper money has only one use and that is as money, purchasing medium, a unit of account, and payment of debt and taxes. Therefore, it is low quality money. Lacking quality, it is a poor store of value. Likewise, its poor quality as money makes it a poor standard of exchange value, that is a standard of prices and accounts, or a measure of value.
    Inconvertible paper money does have value, but that value is derived from its use as money, and that value depends on the confidence that people have in it. Also, it depends to a limited extent on the authority and power of the government to force it on the people. Once the value of money degenerates beyond a certain point, the power of government can no longer force the people to accept it, even with the death penalty. Examples are the Assignat and the Continental. Unless the government gives a believable promise that the paper money will soon be convertible on demand in full-weight metallic coin, that confidence declines. Declining confidences leads to declining value, purchasing power, of inconvertible paper money.
    As the value of inconvertible paper money declines, so does the demand for it. When demand declines, its value declines. Therefore, more is needed to make the same quantity of purchases, Thus, its supply must increase to maintain the same level of purchases. Increasing supply leads to further lose of confidence and decline in demand for the money. As a result, general prices continue to rise.
    Inconvertible paper money does function as money although inferior to gold coin. It can serve as a medium of exchange, a standard for the payment of debt, especially when it is legal tender, a measure of value, and even a store of value. However, it swindles creditors and impoverishes workers as it generally loses value over time. Moreover, as it loses value at varying rates, it is a poor measure of value and a poor standard of value. However, unlike gold coin, inconvertible paper money cannot extinguish debt. It merely discharges debt by transferring it to the issuer of the paper money.

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Friday, May 20, 2016

Gold-Backed Currencies

Gold-Backed Currencies
Thomas Allen

    Economic analysts, political analysts, and others are talking and writing about China, Russia, various Islamic countries and possibly other countries instituting a gold-backed currency. They believe that China, Russia, and other countries have been acquiring large quantities of gold in anticipation of going to a gold-backed currency. Some of these commentators imply that instituting a gold-backed currency is returning to the gold standard. Others admit that it is not. These latter commentators are correct. A gold-backed currency without redemption on demand, especially by the common people, is meaningless — except perhaps for propaganda purposes.
    I will use the United States as an example. When the United States ended the gold standard in 1933 and refused to redeem paper money in gold, they still had a gold-backed currency. From 1933 to 1945, Congress required 40 percent of the federal reserve notes to be backed by gold. In 1945, it changed the requirement to 25 percent backing. Then it ended the hypocrisy in 1968 by eliminating all gold backing. However, gold continued to back the U.S. currency and foreign governments and their central banks could redeem their dollars in gold. In 1971, the United States ceased redeeming dollars in gold. (From 1944 to 1971, the United States redeemed dollars under a gold exchanged standard. Under this gold exchanged standard, only foreign governments and their central banks could redeem U.S. dollars in gold.)
    Even after abandoning all pretenses of a gold-backed currency, the United States and the Federal Reserve System continued to back the U.S. dollar with gold.  To the extent that the gold held by them is considered an asset, this gold backs the U.S. dollar. Along with all the land owned by the U.S. government and, more important, the military might of the U.S. government, this gold is part of the “full faith and credit” backing the dollar. (Gold is not really credit as it is no one else’s liability.)
    Likewise, to the extent that a foreign government or its central bank holds gold, its currency is backed by gold. Although it has no statutory requirement to maintain a specific amount of gold to back its currency, its currency is still backed by gold. As shown with the United States, whenever a statutory limit is approached, the law is changed to reduce the requirement.
    Any kind of gold-backed currency is meaningless unless free coinage of gold is allowed and the common people can redeem paper money in gold on demand. Moreover, the country would have to define its monetary unit as a specific weight of gold; it would not be fixing the price of gold. (For example, the Gold Standard Act of 1900 defined the U.S. dollar as 23.80 grains of standard gold, which is 23.22 grains of fine gold. It did not fix the price of gold at $20.67 per ounce.) Furthermore, a country would not have to stockpile gold before returning to the gold standard. It would not need to possess any gold in order to return to the gold standard. All it needs to do is to define its monetary unit as a specific weight of gold, allow the free coinage of gold, and to require paper money to be redeemed in gold on demand by anyone.

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Sunday, October 18, 2015

Differences Between Real Money and Fiat Money

Differences Between Real Money and Fiat Money
Thomas Allen

    Attributes generally ascribed to monetary material are that it is portable (relatively high value per unit of weight), homogeneous or uniform, durable, divisible, recognizable, highly marketable (highly liquid, universally acceptable), and stable in value. These attributes are true for real money, such as full weighted gold and silver coins. For the most part, they are true for today’s paper fiat money, such as the US dollar, euro, and British pound. However, real money has characteristics that are lacking in fiat paper money.
    Real money has quantity, measurement, and substance. Fiat paper money has only quantity.
    An early illustration of these three attributes in real money is recorded in Genesis 23:16. Abraham bought a burial plot. He paid 400 (quantity) shekels (measurement of weight) of silver (substance). In pre-1933 money, if a person bought something with a $20 gold coin, he paid with money that had quantity (20), measurement (dollar, a unit of weight equal to 23.22 grains), and substance (gold).
    Fiat paper money lacks two of these three characteristics. For example a $20 federal reserve note has quantity: 20. The dollar appears to be its measurement. However, it is not. It is an abstraction. It measures nothing of substance. A unit of measurement has to be something concrete and definable like the meter, ounce, minute, or horsepower so that things can be compared to it. It has to be something that instruments can determine. Also, it lacks substance as its monetary value exceeds the value of the material of which it is made and it does not promise to deliver anything concrete.
    With pre-1933 gold money, a $20 gold coin weighed twice as much as $10 gold coin. Even if the disk had no inscription on it, a disk containing 464.4 grains of gold had twice the purchasing power of a disk containing 232.2 grains of gold. It was twice as large and weighed twice as much.
    Federal reserve notes, which are fiat paper money, cannot be measured. If all the inscriptions are removed from them, a $20 federal reserve note would look like a $10 federal reserve note. They would both have the same value: nothing.
    Another important distinction between real money and fiat paper money is that real money can transport value through space and time, which makes it an excellent store of value, medium of exchange, and standard of value (unit of accounts). Fiat paper money cannot, which makes it a poor store of value, medium of exchange, and standard of value. Real money retains its value when it moves from one place to another and from one time to another. Fiat paper money does not.
    In the United States since 1933, when President Roosevelt stole the people’s gold, the dollar had lost 94 percent of its purchasing power by 2010. Since its complete divorce from gold in 1971, it had lost 81 percent of its purchasing power by 2010.
    On the other hand, gold has retained its value through the millennia. The ancient Babylonian and Hebrew gold shekel contained about 252 grains of gold or about as much gold as an American $10 gold coin.[1] Those 252 grains of gold are still worth 252 grains today.
    If a time traveler carried a $10 gold coin back two thousand years, he would have the buying power equivalent to about 58 days of wages of a common laborer. A common laborer’s wage at that time was about 17¢ per day[2] (this estimate was made in the late 1930s when the federal reserve dollar was worth almost as much as a gold dollar). Moreover, because a $20 gold coin contains twice the gold of $10 gold coin, it would have twice the buying power. If he carried a $100 and a $1 federal reserve note with him, he would get only what he could trade his notes for as a curiosity. He might find the $1 note worth more than the $100 note if the person with whom he was trading liked Washington’s picture more than Franklin’s. Possibly, the person with whom he was trading found that the occult symbols on the back of a $1 note had great value whereas a picture of Independence Hall on the back a $100 note had none. Unlike real money, fiat paper money fails to maintain its value through time.
    Also, unlike real money, most fiat paper money has little value beyond the borders of the issuing country. Fiat paper money that does retain value beyond its borders does so because it is considered a reserve currency or the fiat money of a country is losing value so quickly that it makes other fiat money desirable. This limited ability of fiat paper money to transport value, albeit decreasing value, through space is short-lived.
    Thus, real money can transport value through space and time. Fiat paper money can only transport value for short distances and for a highly limited time. Real money is vastly superior to fiat paper money as a medium of exchange because of its superiority at transporting value through space. It is vastly superior as a standard of value and store of value because of its superiority at transporting value through time.
    As shown above, real money has quantity, measurement, and substance. Fiat paper money has only quantity. Real money can transport value over vast space and time. Fiat money cannot.

Endnotes

1. Madeleine Miller and J. Lane Miller, Harper’s Bible Dictionary, pp. 454-455.


2. John D. Davis, The Westminster Dictionary of the Bible, p. 630.

Copyright © 2014 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

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Saturday, September 10, 2011

The Silver Dollar 1873–1900 – Part 2

Bland-Allison Act
Thomas Allen

[Editor’s note: Footnotes in the original are omitted.]

With the Bland-Allison Act, in 1878, Congress authorized the minting of silver dollars. The law ordered the Secretary of the Treasury to buy silver bullion and coin it; it did not open the mint to the free coinage of silver. Silver dollars were declared standard dollars and legal tender and were not redeemable in gold. Also, for the first time, this law authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue silver certificates. The value of silver in the standard silver dollar fluctuated in terms of gold between $0.89 (1878) and $0.46 (1897-1899). This law managed to confuse the definition of the dollar. The Sherman Act replaced it.

Silver certificates were originally issued in denominations of $10 and above. Although banks could count silver certificates as parts of their “lawful money” reserves, banks did not like them because they were not legal tender. However, people could use them to pay all dues owed to the U.S. government. In 1886, Congress authorized the issuance of silver certificates in $1.00, $2.00, and $5.00 denominations. To encourage the use of silver certificates, banks were stripped of their ability to issue bank notes of these small denominations. Also, the Secretary of the Treasury began retaining U.S. notes of small denominations. Silver certificates were redeemable in silver dollars on demand. Deposits of silver dollars fully backed them. Most of the silver dollars coined under the Bland-Allison Act were used to back silver certificates.[1]

Silver dollars issued under the Bland-Allison Act were the property of the United States. It could sell them to individuals, pay debts, or make purchases with them. The difference between the value of silver in the coin and the coin's monetary value was an apparent profit to the U.S. government although, in reality, it was an obligation. (This apparent profit was used to defeat Bland’s free coinage provision. Congress wanted the U.S. government, not individuals, to reap the profit — not seeing that this difference was really a debt for the government.)

Silver coins issued under the Bland-Allison Act differed greatly from silver coins issued under free coinage. Under the Bland-Allison Act, the U.S. government had to buy the silver and coin it. Much (most) of this silver was bought with debt — bonds or U.S. notes. Thus, it was the property of the U.S. government and an obligation of the U.S. taxpayer, who had to pay the debt used to buy silver.

Under free coinage, the government incurred no expense unless it coined the silver gratis. Silver brought to the mint for coinage was private property. After the coining, it remained private property. The coins belonged to the person who brought the silver to the mint.

Moreover, the Bland-Allison Act placed a purchasing minimum limit of $2 million worth of silver per month and a maximum of $4 million per month. Under free coinage, no minimum or maximum limit was imposed.

Under the Bland-Allison Act, the U.S. government bought $308 million or 291 million ounces of silver bullion. This bullion it converted into $378 million in silver dollars. The $70 million difference was not a profit for the U.S. government. It was an obligation or debt. The U.S. government had an implied obligation to maintain the value of a silver dollar at par with the value of gold.[2] Thus, the difference between the value of silver in a silver dollar and the monetary value of a silver dollar was an implied debt of the U.S. government.

As introduced by Representative Bland, the bill opened the mint to the free coinage of silver. Thus, his bill, which the House past, restored silver as commodity money. When the bill arrived in the Senate, Senator Allison amended it. He replaced the provision for the free coinage of silver with the provision for the Secretary of the Treasury to buy silver bullion and coin it in silver dollars. Allison’s provisions converted the silver dollar into fiat money.

The silverites wanted free coinage of silver. They consisted primarily of four groups. They were the silver miners, debtors, true populists, and (for want of a better name) “academia,” who argued that silver had not declined in value but that gold had risen in value.

The silver miners wanted free coinage to increase demand for their product. They believed that free coinage of silver would drive the value of silver up such that 16 ounces of silver would have the value of one ounce of gold.

Debtors believed that free coinage would have expanded the money supply and cheapened the dollar. Whereas the silver miners thought that free coinage would raise the value of silver, the debtors thought that it would lower the value of gold.

As introduced by Bland, the Act would have benefitted both groups by returning the free coinage of silver. As finally adopted, the Act converted the silver dollar to fiat money and only benefitted the miners. It fell to benefit debtors because the silver dollar remained equivalent to a dollar in gold.

The true populists were not true silverites. They believed that governmental fiat gave money its value. The material of which it was made was irrelevant. If gold could provide an adequate supply, which they believed that it did not, gold was acceptable. Otherwise, they would add silver — thus, their opposition to repealing the silver purchasing provision of the Sherman Act (v.i.). If both failed, which they expected, the government should issue paper money, which is what they preferred. Populists supported the free coinage of silver primarily because they believed that it would show the country that gold and silver could not provide what they considered an adequate supply of money. “Thus the old-fashioned Populists apologized for free silver more than they advocated it, and they regretted to see less discerning students of the money question attach an importance to the doctrine quite out of proportion to the benefits that could possibly be obtained from it.”[3] Populists saw the silver question as a means to draw silverites from the Democratic and Republican parties into the Populist party.

The smallest group supporting the free coinage of silver was “academia.” This group argued that silver had not fallen in value. On the contrary, gold had risen in value. This group may not have been far from the truth as Table A-1 in the appendix shows. Between 1873 and 1878, gold was rising more than silver was falling. (Between 1873 and 1892, silver appears to have been more stable in purchasing power than gold, whose purchasing power increased significantly during this time.)

Opponents of the Bland-Allison Act claimed that it would cause inflation, gold exports, panics, and revert the country to the silver standard. It did none of these. The Act came along at a time when the country was leaving a depression, and the demand for money was growing. Most of the silver dollars added to the money supply were offset by the quantity of national bank notes removed from the money supply. Contrary to what its promoters wanted, it did little to increase the money supply. Excess money as gold was removed and exported. If these silver dollars had not been minted, gold would have been imported to meet monetary demand.[4]

Most banks, especially the New York City banks, despised silver dollars and silver certificates and strove to prevent their circulation. Clearinghouses prohibited payment of balances in silver between its members. Congress retaliated by forbidding the renewal of the charter of any bank that was a member of such a clearinghouse. Thus, clearinghouses dropped their anti silver rules. However, banks informally continued to discriminate against silver.

Silver dollars were not popular with the public. Under the greenback standard, they had become accustomed to paper money. They were not used to handling coins that weighed about 0.85 ounces.

About the silver dollar issued under the Bland-Allison Act, Johnson writes:
The Bland-Allison silver dollar was a monetary anomaly. Although called a standard silver dollar to propitiate the friends of silver, it was in no sense standard money; nor was it recognized as credit money, for no provision whatever was made for its redemption in gold. Its status was very much like that of the Indian rupee after 1898, — theoretically and legally fiat money, susceptible of depreciation if issued to excess; but practically credit money, the people having confidence that somehow it would be kept at par with gold. Inasmuch as the law made it legal tender, the people certainly had a right to expect that the government would keep it equal in value to gold. There was no direct promise to pay gold, but the implied obligation was tantamount to an explicit declaration. Two things were essential to the maintenance of its value: first, limitation of the supply; and second, confidence among the people in the purpose and ability of the government to prevent its depreciation. These two conditions were necessarily intertwined. Theoretically the supply of silver dollars might increase until all the country’s gold had been displaced, and no depreciation result, for there would be no increase in the supply of currency; but such an increase would have destroyed confidence in the ability of the government to redeem silver dollars, and so would have led to depreciation, the country thereby passing from a gold standard to a fiat standard.[5]
If silver had not fallen in value, most likely there would have been no Bland-Allison Act or Sherman Act. Inflationists had lost their battle to flood the economy with greenbacks. Now they sought to flood the economy with silver dollars. They did not care about silver coins per se. They only wanted cheap money to liquidate debt, and silver was now available to serve that purpose. To many silver coinage was a way to bring back governmentally issued notes.

The Bland-Allison Act conflicted with the Constitution. Under the Constitution, silver is money. Any private person could bring silver to the mint for coinage, and all silver brought for coinage was to be coined. The person bringing the silver for coinage retained ownership of the coins. This act failed to reinstate the free coinage of silver. Thus, the U.S. government acquired ownership of silver coins minted as it minted silver from its own account. This act took control of the quantity of silver money from the people and gave it to the Secretary of the Treasury.

Furthermore, the issue of silver certificates violated the Constitution. The Constitution grants the U.S. government no authority to act as a deposit bank or to issue paper money. By receiving and holding deposits of silver dollars and issuing silver certificates to the depositors, the U.S. government assumed the role of a deposit bank.

Although the silverites were displeased with the Bland-Allison Act because it did not allow free coinage of silver, it was the best that they could get. They continued to agitate for the free coinage of silver. The next important silver law, which also failed to satisfy their demand for free coinage, was the Sherman Act.

Endnotes
1. Joseph French Johnson, Money and Currency: In Relation to Industry, Prices, and the Rate of Interest (Revised edition; Boston, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1905), pp. 351-352.

2. Ibid., pp. 352-353.

3. John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers’ Alliance and the People’s Party (University of Nebraska Press, 1961), p. 318.

4. Horace White, Money and Banking (Boston, Massachusetts: Ginn & Company, 1896), p. 201.

5. Johnson, pp 348-349.

Copyright © 2010 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Saturday, September 19, 2009

Response to Dale’s Analysis of "There Is Enough Gold"


Response to Dale’s Analysis of "There Is Enough Gold"
Thomas Allen


This article is a response to "Analysis of Thomas Allen’s There Is Enough Gold" by Byron Dale. Mr. Dale’s analysis can be found at http://www. chrismartenson.com/print/25550.

Judging from Mr. Dale’s comments, I failed to explain myself adequately on several points. On the other hand, Mr. Dale’s comments are colored by his obsessive hatred of interest, dislike of bankers, conviction of the inadequacy of gold, and love of paper money if the government issues it instead of banks. (Of coarse, one could say that my disdain of fait money and monopolistic control of the monetary system and adoration of freedom and liberty distort my views.) I could include his abhorrence of our current debt-based monetary system, but I loathe it even more than he does. After all, he wants to maintain a fiat monetary system run by bureaucrats and politicians whereas I do not.

To understand Mr. Dale’s comments better, one needs some knowledge of his reform. He proposes that the U.S. government print and spend paper money into circulation to build and maintain roads. It would not be issued for any other purpose. He writes, "The spending of the paper money would be limited to building roads which would be of equal benefit for all. Since roads can only be built by labor, in reality, all that would be done would be to monetize labor. As the money was spent, it would flow into circulation and we would all have debt-free money with which to meet our needs for a medium of exchange based on labor performed."[1]

The reform that he proposes in his book is much closer to the current system than my proposal. He maintains a fiat paper dollar currency. He only changes who issues the money (the government instead of the Federal Reserve and banking system) and how it is issued (direct spending by the government on road construction instead of lending.) My system scraps the current system entirely including abandonment of the paper dollar and a central body managing the money (both retained by Mr. Dale). It replaces the current system with an entirely new system. (Actually, it is not really all that new; it is similar to the system that existed before 1860.) Under my proposal, the government does not create and spend money into circulation. Banks do not create and lend money into circulation. Mr. Dale’s monetary reform makes only superficial changes instead of fundamental changes as I propose. A more detailed discussion of his proposal as presented in his book Bashed by the Bankers can be found in my booklet "Analysis of Byron Dale’s Monetary Reforms as Presented in Bashed by the Bankers."

Mr. Dale seems convinced that all monetary problems relate to charging interest on loans. He seems to believe that most, if not all, monetary problems would vanish if the charging of interest were outlawed. Does this disdain for interest come from the bad experience that he suffered for failure to pay a loan?

One could add that he despises debt-based money. However, that would be a mistake. As he proposes to replace the current interest-bearing debt-based money with non-interest-bearing debt-based money, his problem is with interest-bearing and not with debt-based.

Now, let’s look at his comments to my article.

Mr. Dale errors when he claims that "the markets did not regulate the gold supply. Miners of gold supplied the gold and they, for the most part mined all that they could find as fast as they could."[2] First, smart miners do not necessarily mine all that they can as fast as they can. Smart miners mine at a rate that maximizes their return. Furthermore, the consumer is the final determinant in the quantity of gold mined by his consumption of gold and gold products.

Apparently, I failed to add enough detail here. Under the classical gold standard the markets regulated the quantity of gold coins and gold bullion used as money. If the markets demanded more coins, jewelry, flatware, and other items of gold were converted to coins. Gold dealers and others presented this gold to the mint for coinage. If the markets decided that too much gold was being used for money, people would melt the excess gold coins and use the gold for other purposes, such as gold teeth and jewelry. (The markets are essentially the sum of every individual acting independently according to his economic contribution.)

Several times Mr. Dale used one of the favorite arguments against the gold standard: The gold mining industry decides how much gold is available. Mr. Dale is correct that the desire for profit drives gold miners. However, gold miners are not particularly concerned about the monetary needs of the country. This argument that gold miners decide the amount of gold available for money fails on at least four accounts.

"First, current mining of gold provides only a small fraction of gold available for monetary use. Nearly all the gold ever mined is available.

"Second, when the real bills doctrine and decentralized banking accompany the gold standard, the quantity of paper money (credit money) available does not correspond to the quantity of gold available. Bank notes and checkable deposits can expand and contract to meet the needs of commerce independently of the quantity of gold. Gold mining does not have a monopoly on gold-based money. [Mr. Dale rejects this fact.]

"Third, gold’s monetary value depends on the integrity of the monetary unit and its issuer and not just the quantity of money. Having a definite fixed monetary unit is more important than the actions of gold miners.

"Fourth, the profit motive guides gold miners. They have an incentive to provide their customers as much gold as they demand in a cost-effective way. Profits of gold mining increases as output increases and production cost decreases."[3]

Gold miners may influence the quantity of gold available, but they do not decide how much of the available gold is used as money.

Mr. Dale claims that using real bills of exchange as money is using paper debt-based money. Like most people, Mr. Dale confuses a debt-credit instrument, i.e., a loan, with a market-clearing-credit instrument, i.e., a real bill of exchange. Real bills are not loans.

"Real bills should not be confused with loans. They are not loans; they are deferred payment. They are used ‘as means of payment [that] have the effect of making commodities [i.e., goods] circulate more rapidly, without the use of money.’[4] They are claims to future money and, as such, evidence of credit transactions. The holder of a bill redeems it on the date specified on the bill for money paid by the person on whom the bill is drawn. Real bills are short-term credit that matures into gold or silver within 90 days.

"The retailer is not borrowing from the supplier, and the supplier is not lending to the retailer. Moreover, the retailer does not retire a loan if he pays his bill before maturity. Real bills finance the production and distribution of goods without debt.[5] They are a form of credit that is not a debt.

"When a bank buys a real bill, it does not make a loan. When a bank buys a real bill, it is clearing and not lending.[6] Therefore, real bills should be considered clearing instruments instead of credit [debt] instruments."[7]

The real bills doctrine automatically provides the markets with the money to buy new goods at the time those goods are being offered for sale. It saves capital for production by eliminating the need to withdraw savings for market clearing (selling new goods). When the goods have been sold (consumed), the new money is withdrawn from circulation and is permanently retired. The new money withdrawn is either the new money created by this real bill or an equivalent amount created by other real bills.

For a more detailed discussion of the real bills doctrine see Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System by Thomas Coley Allen (pp. 174-194), Antal Fekete’s lectures on the real bills doctrine at http://www.silverbearcafe.com/ private/fekete.html, and articles discussing the real bills doctrine at http://www. safehaven.com/searchresults.cfm?c=real+bills&ct=Any&x=&t=on&ab=on&fm=&fd=&fy=&tm=&td=&ty=&cat=&l=10.

Like most people, Mr. Dale has little understanding of the true gold standard. He states, ". . . the monetary unit is named the dollar. Let’s say that the monetary unit is specific weight of gold, one grain of gold. The price of gold is then one dollar per grain. Therefore one has fixed the price of gold or no one would know what a dollar is." Mr. Dale claims that I error when I state that "the price of gold is not fixed. The monetary unit is a specific weight of gold." While trying to refute my position, he supports it with his example. He states "that the monetary unit is a specific weight of gold, one grain of gold." Then he erroneously concludes that "the price of gold is then one dollar per grain." No, it is not. If the dollar equals one grain of gold, to say that the price of gold is a dollar is absurd. It is like saying that 16 ounces equals a pound; therefore, the price of a pound is 16 ounces. The dollar has been defined as one grain of gold. The dollar is a unit of weight like the pound or gram. It is just limited to gold. The dollar is fixed in terms of gold; gold is not fixed in the terms of the dollar.

This discussion may seem to be an unimportant discourse about semantics. It is not. The distinction is highly important. Is gold to be fixed in dollars, i.e., gold is priced in dollars? That is, the government declares that the dollar is an abstraction, and it has arbitrarily fixed the price of gold. This notion leads quickly down the road to paper fiat money. On the other hand, is the dollar to be fixed in gold, i.e., the dollar is a unit of weight of gold. The government declares the dollar to be a tangible and defines it as a measurable amount of gold. This notion is the essence of the gold standard; the monetary unit is a weight of gold.

Mr. Dale’s comment on my free coinage statement is absurd. Did I really have to add that the law, Congress, defines the monetary unit, the dollar, as so many grains of gold, e.g., 23.22 grains in the Gold Standard Act of 1900. Using this standard, the mint produced a $10 coin containing ten times the weight of gold as a $1 coin if $1 coins were produced at that time. (This is what the Constitution means by "regulate the value thereof.") If the dollar were an abstraction as Mr. Dale promotes instead of a specific unit of weight, then the amount of gold in a $10 coin need not have any relationship to the amount of gold in a $1 coin. That the weight of gold in a $10 coin is ten times the weight in a $1 coin is further proof that the dollar is (or was) a unit of measure for weight. It evidences that the dollar is defined in terms of gold instead of gold being defined in terms of the dollar.

I write that a component of the gold standard is that "no restrictions are placed on exporting or importing gold." Like many people, Mr. Dale expresses great concern that too much gold would be exported, the country would lose most of its money, and people would lack money with which to trade internationally. (People who express this concern about the exportation of gold have little confidence in the free market—especially with money. Moreover, they never seem to be concerned about the excessive importation of gold. Excessive importation can be more disastrous than excessive exportation as witnessed by its destruction of the Spanish empire.) Although Mr. Dale does not mention it, the same problem can occur between regions in the same country. If a country’s gold stock declines enough to affect its value, i.e., causes the value of the remaining gold to rise (which usually results in general prices declining), gold will automatically begin coming into the country. If barriers are not erected to impede the movement of gold, people from countries with an abundance of gold will come with their gold to buy the bargains in countries deficient in gold. Prices of goods in countries deficient in gold are lower than they are in countries with an abundance of gold. (Prices adjust to the quantity of money available—a fact that Mr. Dale seems not to know.)

I note that a component of the gold standard is that "all paper money is redeemable in gold on demand." Mr. Dale cannot possibly be as ignorant as his comment suggests. He comments, "[I]f gold is the money, what is the paper money he is talking about, where does it come from and how does it get into circulation?" He knows the answer to this question because several paragraphs above he comments on the paper money component of the monetary system that I am presenting and refers the reader to the parts of my article where I discuss this paper money, where it comes from, and how it gets into circulation.

Where does Mr. Dale get this notion that adherents of the gold standard want to outlaw paper money? I have never found one that does. Adherents of the gold standard do disagree about whether all paper money should be warehouse receipts, i.e., all paper money is fully (100 percent) backed by gold, or not fully backed by gold. They all agree that all paper money, whether fully backed or not, should be redeemed in gold on demand and should never be legal tender. (A few adherents of the gold standard would allow issuers of bank notes to delay redemption if the note carried a notice that redemption could be delayed.)

Another component of the gold standard that I give is that it is self-regulating and automatically adjusts to meet the demand for metallic money. Mr. Dale asks how this supply would be self-regulating. He is convinced that "the gold miners would regulate the supply of gold by how much gold they found and mined." Gold miners do add to the supply of gold by the amount that they mined. However, unless they are coining their gold, they are not adding to the monetary stock. (The exception is the Rothbard school, which claims that all gold regardless of form—the weight of the metal and not its form makes the money—is part of the monetary stock. I doubt that Mr. Dale is of the Rothbard school.) The markets decide how much gold is being used as money. It decides that by the quantity of gold brought to the mint for coinage and by how many coins are melted for other uses. If the value of gold in jewelry, for example, begins to rise in relationship to the value of gold in coins, people will melt the coins and convert them to the more valuable jewelry until the value of the two are brought back in line. If the value of gold in coins begins to rise in relationship to gold in jewelry, people will convert the gold in jewelry into coins until the value of the two are brought back in line. This example ignores the artistic work of jewelry as is commonly done in India and other countries.

I also note that no monetary policy is necessary and none is desirable. Mr. Dale asks, ". . . if the monetary unit is set by a specific weight of gold isn’t that monetary policy?" I suppose in the broadest sense that defining the monetary unit as a specific weight of gold is a monetary policy in the same sense as defining the pound and foot is a weights and measure policy. However, when people think of monetary policy, they normally think of the government or its central bank manipulating the money supply to achieve some goal, such as interest rates, general price levels, employment, or road construction.

To my statement that "the government does not issue any paper money," Mr. Dale makes another ridiculous comment: "If there is enough gold for a workable money system and the people choose to use that system why would there be any need for any paper money." For some transactions, such as transferring gold from one account to another, which is what a paper check does, or for making large purchases, which is more convenient with paper bank notes, people find paper money more suitable. Mr. Dale knows this. He says so in his book. Why does he make such an absurd statement? Does he want to belittle supporters of the gold standard? He seems to preclude any use of paper money when the standard money is gold coin.

Mr. Dale seems to be almost as obsessed with gold miners as he is with interest. I state that "Gold coins are the property of the individual holding them. . . . No restrictions or controls are placed on the private ownership of gold." He responds, ". . . that sounds good until the miners decided . . . to loan all the gold they mined into circulation as interest-bearing loans." If the gold miners decided to do this, which is highly unlikely, they would only be lending about 2 percent of the world gold stock. The other 98 percent is available for monetary use without borrowing or lending. Are people really going to borrow that 2 percent? Mr. Dale keeps trying to confuse the gold standard with the current federal reserve dollar standard where money is created through the lending process.

Mr. Dale claims that I am contradicting myself when I write, "The government's monetary duties are limited to defining the monetary unit, coining all gold presented to it for coinage and guaranteeing the weight and fineness of such coins. . . ." He asserts that these duties conflict with specifying the monetary unit as a specific weight of gold. What does he think "defining the monetary unit" is? It is specifying (defining) the monetary unit as a specific weight of gold. Where is the conflict? If the government is arbitrary in its declaration of the monetary unit, perhaps a conflict exists. However, if it merely codifies what the markets have already decided as Congress did with the Coinage Act of 1792, no conflict exists.

He also asserts that these duties conflict with free coinage of gold. "Coining all gold presented to it for coinage" is free coinage. I clearly define free coinage as such several sentences earlier. So, I repeat, where is the conflict?

Apparently, in trying to overcome the excessive emphasis that most people placed on the quantity of money while ignoring its quality, I may have over emphasized the quality aspect. As Mr. Dale notes, both are important.

I was trying to stress that the quality of money, i.e., the purchasing power of the monetary unit, is more important than the quantity of money, i.e., the number of monetary units. The more that a given quantity of money can buy, the higher is its quality. The less that quantity buys, the lower is its quality. High quality money can buy a large amount of goods with a small quantity of money. Low quality money requires a much higher quantity of money to buy the same amount of goods. The federal reserve dollar is low quality money, and the gold dollar is high quality money. A gold dollar has the purchasing power 50 times greater than a federal reserve dollar. Fifty federal reserve dollars are needed to do the work of one gold dollar. Thus, a large quantity of low quality federal reserve dollars are needed to do the work of a high quality gold dollar. It is obvious from Mr. Dale’s comments that he thinks in terms of quantity (the more, the better) instead of quality (the higher, the better). Would he really prefer ten million Zimbabwe dollars (July 2008 vintage) to one euro? If he thinks in terms of quantity, he would prefer the ten million Zimbabwe dollars. If he thinks in terms of quality, he would prefer the one euro.

Mr. Dale continues to harp on my not explaining how the markets regulate the money supply. Mr. Dale, you got at least to meet me part way. I explain several times in my article how the markets regulate the money supply. Again, here it is. For metallic money, it is done through free coinage. The mint coins all the gold presented to it for coinage, and the people may melt all the coins that they desire for other usages. The quantity of coins is maintained through minting and melting such that little or no difference exists between the value of gold in coins and gold in other forms. All of this is done without any decision by any political body or governmental bureaucrat.

To this is added the market-driven changes to the money supply through the real bills doctrine or commercial money principle, with which Mr. Dale disagrees. I explain below how money is created under the real bills doctrine.

I have failed to explain myself adequately if Mr. Dale concludes that I am saying "that no one can purchase things with fiat money." People have been buying things with it in the United States since 1933. When I write that "fiat money lack quality," I do not mean that it cannot function as a purchasing medium. I mean that its purchasing power steadily declines over time. Thus, it is a poor store of value. Being a poor store of value, it is a poor measure of value and a poor unit of accounts resulting in arbitrary inflation adjustments being made. Usually, it represents nothing tangible, or at least the issuer is not required to covert it into something tangible on demand.

I do not understand why Mr. Dale fails to find me distinguishing between metallic money and credit money. In the sentence following his comment, I make such distinguish. I give a thorough discussion of the gold standard (metallic money) and the real bills doctrine (credit money).
Mr. Dale claims that my statement about the 100-percent gold standard is false. It is not. Under the 100-percent gold standard, all paper money is merely a warehouse receipt for gold, i.e., all paper money is backed 100 percent by gold.

Mr. Dale errors when he says, especially if he claims that I say, that the "real bills doctrine based on bank created money loaned into circulation at interest is a good money system because it is based on production." I do contend that the real bills doctrine creates credit money based on production. I deny that it is "based on bank created money loaned into circulation at interest." A monetary system based on the gold standard and the real bills doctrine can function without banks although not as efficiency. The real bill itself is money, commercial money. It can be used to discharge debt. If the owner of the real bill sells it to an investor, the investor buys it at a discount. The discount, which is not an interest rate, varies with the maturity date of the bill. Like all prices not fixed by the government, the markets fix the rate.

If he sells it to a bank, the bank buys it with bank notes or checkbook money, i.e., credits the seller’s checking account with the amount of the real bill. The bank is not lending, much less lending at interest. Savers fix the interest rate by their propensity to save. Consumers fix the discount rate by their propensity to consume. Moreover, the bank is not creating money in the true sense. The money creation is done when the retailer accepts (signs) the real bill of exchange. What the bank has done is to convert commercial money (the real bill of exchange) to bank money (checkbook money and bank notes). This action is akin to someone depositing federal reserve notes with a bank and having the bank credit his checking account with the amount of the deposited notes. The bank has merely converted one form of money, the federal reserve notes, to another form, checkbook money.

Mr. Dale keeps repeating that I "never seem to be able to tell us just how a person acting in his individual capacity can product [sic] any kind of money." I have already explained how an individual can convert gold into money by having it coined.

Although an individual seldom converts his labor into money acting as an individual, he can do it cooperatively under the real bills doctrine. If he is part of the work force of a factory, his labor is "monetized," so to speak, into commercial money through the real bill of exchange process. To simplify, I assume that the manufacturer sells directly to the retailer. When the manufacturer sells to the retailer, he offers and the retailer accepts a real bill of exchange. Thus, they have created money, commercial money. With the labor of all the individual factory workers, this money has been created. It is a representation of all the individual workers’ contribution to the finished product. As these workers produce more, they cause the creation of more money.

Mr. Dale vehemently disagrees with my characterization of fiat money. I contend that the government or its central bank arbitrarily regulates the money supply. He asserts, ". . . the key distinction between fait money and gold is wealth based money vs. interest-bearing debt based money." His definition of fiat money is unique. (He probably created this unique definition to avoid his proposed fiat money being called fiat money, which it really is, by contending that wealth-based money is not fiat money. He claims that his proposed money is wealth-based because it is issued to build roads.) If it is interest-bearing debt-based money, it is fiat money. If it is wealth-based money, it is not. By his definition, the French assignat was not fiat money as it was based on land. Every economist whom I have read who has commented on the assignat considers it fiat money. I am not sure how Mr. Dale would classify the U.S. note as it was neither interest-bearing debt-based money (although it was debt based) and was not wealth based between 1862 and 1879 and after 1932. (Mr. Dale probably considers it wealth based between 1879 and 1932 when it was redeemable in gold on demand.)

The definition of fiat money used by many monetary economists is that the money supply is controlled arbitrarily instead of being regulated by the markets. This is its most important aspect. Secondarily, the material of which the standard money is made has less value than the money itself. These are the two criteria that I use for mydefinition.

His comment on fiat money was written to my sentence: "The key distinction between fiat money that uses gold and the true gold standard is the way that the money supply is regulated." I am claiming that gold can be part of a fiat monetary scheme. Mr. Dale seems to be arguing that gold, regardless how the quantity of monetary gold is regulated, is not fiat money. (What about gold lent at interest into circulation? Is that fiat money?) Yet he also seems to consider the federal reserve dollar to be interest-bearing debt-based money from its beginning in 1914 and, therefore, is fiat money. Between 1914 and 1933, the federal reserve note was not legal tender and was redeemable in gold on demand. Was it fiat money? I say no because it was not legal tender—no one had to accept it. Through the redemption process, the markets prevented too many from being issued. By Dale’s definition, it seems to be fiat money because most of it came into being via the purchase of treasury notes. However, gold backed at least 40 percent of the federal reserve notes. This 40 percent was wealth-based money. Was this 40 percent not fiat money? In 1933, Congress ended the redemption of federal reserve notes and made them legal tender. I contend that from this point forward federal reserve notes were true fiat money. Mr. Dale probably agrees. However, with his definition, that all federal reserve notes were fiat money before 1968 is questionable. Gold backed at least 40 percent of the federal reserve notes outstanding until 1945. In 1945 Congress reduced the backing to 25 percent and eliminated it in 1968. As this 40 percent and later 25 percent were wealth-based gold, apparently this money was not fiat money by Dale’s definition.

Like most people, Mr. Dale confuses the markets’ demand for money overall with an individual’s desire for money. If everyone had all the money that he wanted, money would be worthless. Most people want an unlimited supply of money.

He cannot conceive of people melting gold coins to use the gold for other purposes. I explain above why people would melt gold. If gold is more valuable in another product than it is in coins, people will melt coins for use in the higher gold-valued product. If people seek to maximize their wealth, as Mr. Dale suggests, why would they not melt coins? If the value of gold in some non-coin form never exceeded the value of gold in coin form, nearly all gold would be coined. As that has never happened, gold must have a great deal of value outside coins.

Mr. Dale contends that federal reserve notes being legal tender is a nonissue because the U.S. Supreme Court and others do not accept federal reserve notes and require checks. He states that checkbook money is not legal tender, which is true. The reason that these agencies refuse federal reserve notes and require checks is that they do not trust their employees. On the other hand, the Post Office requires federal reserve notes and refuse checks for money orders. (Unless a change has been made in the past two years, no State agency in North Carolina can write a rule that precludes payment in federal reserve notes. The Department of Revenue may be an exception as many of its rules are not subject to normal rulemaking.)

Legal tender laws usually do not require a person to sell his goods or services for federal reserve notes. He can sell them in whatever currency that he wants. However, if he sells on credit, the legal tender laws require him to accept payment in federal reserve notes if the debtor so choice to pay with federal reserve notes.

Stripping the federal reserve dollar of its legal tender status is important in returning to the gold standard. If the federal reserve dollar remains legal tender, the debtor could pay a debt contracted in gold with federal reserve notes.

Under my discussion of the real bills doctrine, I write that the bill of exchange allows the retailer time to get the money that he will use to pay for the merchandise from the buyers of that merchandise. Mr. Dale remarks, "If there was enough money in the system the retailer would have the money to pay for the goods." Where does the retailer get the money for his initial stock? Mr. Dale does not say. Presumably, he would have to save enough money to buy his initial stock. (Mr. Dale’s reform is designed to discourage savings.) Thus, he would have to borrow the money from himself, a bank, or someone else to pay for his initial stock. (Mr. Dale does not like people borrowing.) Mr. Dale suggests that the retailer should be buying his next stock from the money earned from selling his current stock. Is it not more economical to pay for the current stock from the selling of the current stock and for the next stock from the selling the next stock? It does eliminate the need to borrow either from oneself or from a bank. Mr. Dale should like that.

At the point of repeating myself again, Mr. Dale is totally confused about the real bills doctrine. His confusion is never more evident than his comment on the simple example that I give about the real bills doctrine.

He sees a long line of lending where no lending is occurring. A real bill of exchange is not a lending instrument. It is a clearing instrument No one is lending. No one is borrowing. Producers and wholesalers are giving the retailer time to sell the final product to the final consumer. By doing this, they free capital for other uses instead of tying it up in stock.

Perhaps Mr. Dale is confusing the real bills doctrine with the current system. The producer, wholesaler, and retailer are dependent on bank loans to operate. The real bills doctrine frees them from this dependency on bank loans. It allows them to operate without banks and loans. Again, Mr. Dale should like this.

Mr. Dale asks where an investor or bank gets the money to buy a real bill and what kind of money is it and how did it get into circulation. Under the system that I am advocating, the investor gets his money from savings. I have already explained how metallic money and commercial money and the bank money into which commercial money is converted get into circulation. (I am not sure where they would get the money under Mr. Dale’s reform as it discourages savings. However, real bills would not exist under Mr. Dale’s reform as all his money is someone’s obligation.)

Mr. Dale asserts that all checkbook money is bank-created money. If one deposits a gold coin in his checking account, the bank takes the coin and appears to do something mysterious with it—Mr. Dale does not state what happens to it. The bank just creates checkbook money out of nothing—so Mr. Dale implies. Apparently, the money in the checking account is not a claim against the gold deposited. In reality, the bank puts the gold coin in its vault and credits the depositor’s checking account with the gold deposited. The depositor can then write a check on his account instructing the bank to transfer the gold to another person. Mr. Dale is an intelligent person and should know this.

Mr. Dale continuously harps that a bank creates money when it credits a checking account even when money is deposited in a checking account or when a bank converts one form of money to checkbook money. I suppose that one could construe that a bank creates money when it converts money from one form to another. When a person deposits a gold coin in his checking account, in a sense the bank does create checkbook money by crediting to the depositor’s checking account. That checkbook money did not exist before. However, that process is more correctly viewed as conversion instead of creation. The new checkbook money enters the money supply, and the deposited gold coin is removed. When a check is deposited redeeming the gold coin, the gold reenters the money supply and the checkbook money leaves it. No change has occurred in the money supply.

Likewise with real bills, a bank removes it from the money supply when it "creates" checkbook money, crediting the checking account of the seller of the bill, to buy the bill. The bank has not increased the money supply. It has removed the bill, which is money in its own right, from the money supply to offset the checkbook money added. Within 90 days that checkbook money, or an equivalent amount checkbook money and bank notes, is permanently removed from the money supply when it pays the real bill. When paid, the real bill is also retired permanently and removed from the money supply as the goods that it represents have been sold.

These processes differ from the current bank lending process. Currently, banks often create new money as checkbook money when it lends. Mr. Dale, does a bank create money when it lends savings deposits? When the Federal Reserve buys treasury bills, it creates checkbook money, that is, it credits a checking account with the price of the treasury bills. It can do this directly or indirectly through local banks by crediting that bank’s reserves. This is not a conversion process because treasury bills were not and are not money. The Federal Reserve is actually adding new money to the economy without offsetting it by removing an equivalent amount of existing money.
I note that "the real bills doctrine generates the money necessary to buy newly produced goods and retires that money when the goods are sold." Mr. Dale responses, "If there was enough gold money there would be no need for the real bills doctrine." Apparently, my lack of clarity again appears. I never claim that there is enough gold without the real bills doctrine for the economy to function efficiently. (It can function, but not efficiently.) Furthermore, I know that Mr. Dale is obsessed with his loathing of charging interest. Commercially created money (real bills) does not involve interest. To repeat myself, the discount rate for a real bill is not an interest rate.

To explain adequately everything to Mr. Dale, I guess that I needed to write another 30 pages or more. Even then, I could not anticipate all his points of confusion. Furthermore, I doubt that I could convince Mr. Dale that the discount rate is not an interest rate and a real bill is not a loan. No matter how articulately I or anyone else expresses this truth, I doubt that Mr. Dale will ever accept it.

Mr. Dale claims that my statement "with their production, the people create money" could "only be true if everyone bartered." I have already described about how people create money under the real bills doctrine. I will not repeat that here. Barter is not necessary. To my statement that "with their consumption, they destroy money," He remarks, "I didn’t know that eggs, bananas, meat, bread, wine, houses and clothes etc. were money." Where did I say that they were money? True, people consume these products. However, they buy them with gold coins, bank notes, or checkbook money. The seller uses these moneys to pay his bill. Payment of the bill retires (destroys) it. If the owner of the bill receives bank notes or checks in payment, he sends them to the bank of origin for gold. The bank of origin removes (debits) gold from the account on which the check is drawn—thus, destroying that checkbook money. It retires (destroys) the bank notes received and redeemed. Thus, "with their consumption, they destroy money."

Mr. Dale asks why gold is needed with the real bills doctrine. The real bills doctrine cannot work without gold (or another commodity functioning as money, such as silver). Real bills must always mature into specie, i.e., gold in our present discussion. Being a future good or obligation, real bills can only mature into a present good that is no one’s obligation, such as gold. (As fiat money is a future obligation, including Mr. Dale’s fiat money, real bills become nonfunctional under fiat monetary systems.) Moreover, gold functions as the governor or regulator for the whole system. If real bills overestimate or underestimate the value of new goods being offered for sale, gold notifies sellers, bankers, and others that errors are occurring and corrective action is needed. It also prevents inventory speculation, which is discussed below. Moreover, gold is also needed for things that do not qualify to be covered by a real bill of exchange, e.g., things that typically take more than 90 days from production to final consumer, such as houses and factories.

Mr. Dale continuously insists that bankers are earning "all that ‘nice’ interest as profit for not really producing any thing" in connection to real bills. Must I repeatedly rebut that real bills pay no interest? Its discount rate is not an interest rate. I explain this above.

Furthermore, real bills are not loans. They are claims to future money and evidence of credit transactions. They are clearing instruments and not lending instruments. I explain this above.

I state, "Banks merely convert it from one form (real bills or commercial money) to another (bank notes and checkable deposits)." Mr. Dale remarks, "Then why don’t we all just write our own real bills and go deposit in our checking accounts." He has got to be kidding. Is this a serious question? I give the obvious answer: Most of us are not doing anything that would qualify for a real bill of exchange. So, if we wrote one, we would need a coconspirator or some ignorant buffoon to accept (sign) it, or we would have to forge a signature of acceptance. If we then tried to unload it on a bank or someone else, we would be guilty of fraud. I am sure that Mr. Dale knows this.

Nelson Hultberg describes real bills as "temporary bills of exchange that appear simultaneously with goods that are being produced to aid such goods in further transportation along the production/consumption chain. These bills of exchange then go out of existence once the goods have cleared the markets."[8]

Most of us are not directly involved in the production of consumer goods expected to be completely sold within 90 days. Therefore, most of us cannot write real bills of exchange. Mr. Dale, I am beginning to believe that you "must not live in the same world as the rest of us."
Mr. Dale continuously harps on real bills being loans. As I explained above, they are not loans. No one is borrowing. No one is lending. Furthermore, no one pays interest on a real bill. The discount is not interest. If the retailer pays the supplier on delivery instead of 90 days later, he receives the discount. He pays less if he pays at the time of delivery than he would pay if he pays 90 days later. Does that mean he has collected interest from the supplier? Mr. Dale seems to think so.

About the real bills doctrine, Mr. Dale claims that it is "based on the theory that gold was the only real money, money that neither the farmers, nor the businessmen, nor the bankers had." Why would no farmer, businessman, or bank have any gold? That any of them would have been in business without at least at some time possessing gold is incredulous.

He also states, "The real bills doctrine was where the banks could finance industry based on commercial paper guarantees." This is not exactly correct. Not all commercial paper is acceptable for discounting under the real bills doctrine. The only commercial paper eligible for discounting under the real bills doctrine is a real bill of exchange or a promissary note that is functionally the same as a real bill of exchange. Other commercial papers, such as bills of acceptance and bills of accommodation, are really lending and not clearing instruments. A bank may say that it is discounting them, but it is really lending and charging interest.

Mr. Dale is correct when he states that government bonds and broker loans are ineligible. However, he claims that inventory speculation is acceptable under the real bills doctrine. It is not. A function of gold under the real bills doctrine is to prevent inventory speculation. Bank notes and checkbook money created for inventory speculation result in bank notes and checkbook money exceeding the demand for money to buy new goods. The excessive credit money would be redeemed for gold. As people redeem the excess bank money for gold, the bank risks not having enough gold in its vaults to honor these claims (its credit money). If it fails to redeem all its bank money presented for redemption, the government should send the banker to prison for fraud. If the government would imprison every banker who failed to redeem his notes and checks drawn on his bank’s accounts (assuming the account is credited for more than the check), bankers would be strongly discouraged from discounting (buying) any bills based on inventory speculation.

In my demonstration showing that enough gold exists, Mr. Dale complains about my expressing gold in dollars. To make the necessary comparisons, I needed to convert everything to a common unit. I could have converted everything to euros or ounces. I chose dollars because most Americans think about money in terms of dollars.

Mr. Dale must have been "grasping at straws" at this point to find faults with my paper. Apparently, he would have understood the comparison better if I compared gold in ounces to trade volume in dollars.

Toward the end of the paper, Mr. Dale describes the real bills doctrine. His description assumes a central bank like the Federal Reserve. Some of the problems that he associates with the real bills doctrine can occur with a centralized banking system. Although I did not discuss the banking system in my original article as it was beyond the scope of the article, I argue against centralized banking and in favor of decentralized banking in my book Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System. My first recommendation in reconstructing America’s monetary system is to abolish the Federal Reserve.

Mr. Dale claims that "in the 1792 coinage act the dollar was value in wealth owned, a weight, 24.75 grains of pure gold." This is incorrect. Congress defined the dollar as 371.25 grains of silver (.995 fine) or 416 grains of standard silver (0.892 fine). Thus, Congress defined the dollar as a certain weight of silver, which Mr. Dale acknowledges in another comment, and not gold. (It did not fix the price of silver.) "As for gold, Congress adopted the ‘eagle’ and defined it as equal to ten silver dollars. One eagle contained 247.5 grains of pure gold and was equal in value to 3712.5 grains of pure silver. Thus, in terms of gold, one silver dollar equaled 24.75 grains of pure gold, 27.00 grains of standard gold (0.91667 fine). . . ."[9]

When I state that "when accompanied by the real bills doctrine this amount of gold could accommodate more that $425 trillion in trade quarterly or more than $1.7 quadrillion annually," Mr. Dale claims that I am fractionalizing gold. I am not. Under the real bills doctrine with sound decentralized banking, fractional reserve banking does not exist. Specie or commercial money backs all credit money (bank notes and checkbook money) that a bank "creates" (more correctly, converts). The specie and commercial money remains out of circulation. No one has use of it while the bank money representing that specie or commercial money is in circulation or available for use. Thus, if all bank notes and demand deposits (checkbook money) are fully backed by specie (gold and silver) or commercial money (real bills) maturing into specie, fractional reserve banking as such does not exists. I know that Mr. Dale will never understand that this is not fractional reserve banking. For my inability to explain this concept adequately and clearly, I apologize to him.

Mr. Dale writes, "Before one can have gold or silver stamped into coined money one must have the gold and silver, which seems to be something very hard for most people to get their hands on." If Mr. Dale or anyone else who finds it hard to obtain gold and especially silver, he has not bothered to find any. Gold and silver are easily found without hardly looking—try eBay for a starter. Hundreds if not thousands of money changers exist around the country to change federal reserve dollars into gold and silver. Anyone who can acquire federal reserve notes can acquire silver. One can convert a $20 federal reserve note (less than the cost of a meal for two at a moderately priced restaurant) into one ounce of silver and receive change back. If one observes his change, he may occasionally find a silver dime or quarter. Anyone who earns an average wage can easily save enough to obtain gold if he really wants the gold.

I point out that Gresham’s law explains why one does not see people paying their debts with gold and silver. I noted that people are not going to pay a $1000 debt with 20 $50 gold eagles (20 ounces of gold) or 1000 $1 silver liberty dollars (1000 ounces of silver). Mr. Dale remarks, "If all the things he mentioned above where legal tender and the legal tender law were enforced, all those things would have the same purchasing power." Congress has made all them legal tender. As the debtor chooses the legal tender with which to pay his debts, he will choose the cheapest (lowest quality) one, which is the federal reserve note. (Considering Mr. Dale’s predilection for paper money, he probably would use gold or silver coins, if he could find any, for payment and save his paper money.)

They may all have the same debt paying power although the IRS disputes that. The IRS contends that when a person’s wages are paid with gold eagles, for example, for tax purposes the wage is computed based on the value of the coin’s metal content in terms of the federal reserve notes. It is not computed based on the legal tender value stamped on the coin.

Mr. Dale fails to realize that Gresham’s law trumps legal tender laws when high quality money like gold and low quality money like irredeemable federal reserve notes are both legal tenders. People will spend the low quality money and save the high quality money.

Mr. Dale asserts, "The myth is that there ever [sic, I assume he means never] was enough gold for a good general medium-of-change." If there has never been enough gold, why have people chosen it for money when left free from governmental coercion? People have never voluntarily chosen irredeemable paper money, even the paper money promoted by Mr. Dale, as their money without governmental coercion. Perhaps Mr. Dale can provide an example if I am wrong.

Mr. Dale writes, "The United States Constitution did not declare what was to be or what was not to be dollars." The Constitution does not define year or mile, either, but it uses year and mile as a unit measure—just like it uses dollar as a unit of measure. Mr. Dale must believe that the writers of the Constitution did not have a clue about what they meant by "dollar." They were going the leave its definition to the whim of Congress. Congress could define the dollar on a whim and could change that definition at anytime on a whim. He also must believe that the people as States adopted a constitution that allowed Congress to levy a duty up to $10 per slave imported without knowing what a dollar was. Without this knowledge, they would not know what this tax would be. Would they have approved the Constitution not knowing what a dollar was or would be? Would they have approved the Constitution if Congress could declare the dollar to be anything that it wanted it to be? If so, for all they knew, Congress would define the dollar as a slave. Thus, the importer of slaves would pay the U.S. government up to ten slaves for each slave imported. Does Mr. Dale really believe this? He does if he believes that the definition of the dollar was left to the whim of Congress. (Mr. Dale must maintain that the definition of "dollar" is left to the whim of Congress to justify the constitutionality of the dollar that he proposes in his monetary reform.)

If Mr. Dale is consistent, he must also believe that the definition of "year" and "mile" is left to the whim of Congress. Congress could lawfully change the definition of "year" from one rotation around the sun to 100 rotations and give themselves lifetime tenure. A two-year term would thus last for 200 rotations around the sun. It could lawfully change the definition of "mile"such that the ten-miles-square district over which it is given exclusive legislation covers the whole country.

Contrary to Mr. Dale’s assertion, people knew what a dollar was. Lawfully, Congress can no more change that definition than it can change the definition of year or mile. The definition of "dollar" was not left to the whim of Congress. Everyone knew that the dollar meant the weight of silver in the Spanish milled dollar. Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress had defined the dollar as the weight of silver in the Spanish milled dollar. It adopted that standard because the Spanish milled dollar was customarily used in commerce and business.

Mr. Dale faults my article for my failure to discuss banking. Such a discussion was beyond the scope of my article. If he wants to read my discussion of banking and how it needs to be reconstructed, he should buy my book, Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System, and read the 80 pages on banking.

I write, "The founding fathers never intended that the U.S. government should issue any kind of paper money. The Constitutional Convention discussed that issue and the Convention rejected granting the U.S. government the authority to print or issue paper money." Mr. Dale responds, "The Constitutional Convention discussed not using bills of credit." Members of the convention used "bills of credit" and "paper money" interchangeably. They were synonymous. James Madison wrote, "Striking out the words [‘to emit bills on the credit of the United States’] cut off the pretext for a paper currency, and particularly for making the bills a tender either for public or private debts."[10] Oliver Ellsworth, who was also a member of the Constitutional Convention and later chief justice of the Supreme Court, concurred with Madison, "This is a favorable moment to shut and bar the door against paper money."[11]

Mr. Dale claims that "the first thing that the founding fathers did under the direction of Alexander Hamilton . . . [was to] set up a bank and issued bills of credit." The United States Bank was a private corporation chartered by Congress. It was not part of the U.S. government. Like all other banks, it could issue bank notes or, as Mr. Dale calls them, bills of credit. As such, it did not violate the constitutional prohibition against Congress issuing bills of credit. (One could construe that chartering the bank was a way to sneak around this prohibition.) I agree with Jefferson that Congress has no authority to charter a bank. Therefore, the United States Bank, like the current Federal Reserve, was unlawful, and its establishment was unconstitutional.

In conclusion, Mr. Dale habitually confuses the monetary system of the gold and silver standard accompanied by the real bills doctrine (commercial paper principle) that I propose with the current monetary system. He seems unable to think outside the parameters of the current monetary system. Because he cannot free himself from the parameters of the current debt-based fiat monetary system does not mean that others cannot. (He wants to maintain a debt-based fiat monetary system.)

In closing, I offer a comment by Professor Walter E. Spahr, Chairman of the Department of Economics at New York University from 1927 to 1956, "What is the meaning of a gold standard and a redeemable currency? It represents integrity. It insures the people’s control over the government’s use of the public purse. It is the best guarantee against the socialization of a nation. It enables a people to keep the government and banks in check. It prevents currency expansion from getting ever farther out of bounds until it becomes worthless. It tends to force standards of honesty on government and bank officials. It is the symbol of a free society and an honourable government. It is a necessary prerequisite to economic health. It is the first economic bulwark of free men."[12]

Endnotes

1. Byron Dale, Bashed by the Bankers (Pro-American Educational Foundation, 1988), p. 51.
2. Byron Dale, "Analysis of Thomas Allen’s There is enough Gold," http://www.chrismartenson.com/ print/25550, Aug. 21, 2009. All quoted material whose source is not noted is from this source.
3. Thomas Coley Allen, Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System: A Return to Constitutional Money (Franklinton: TC Allen Co., 2009), p.130.
4. Charles Rist, History of Monetary and Credit Theory from John Law to the Present Day, translator Jane Degras (1940, reprint; New York: Augustus M. Kelly, 1966), p. 35.
5. Antal E. Fekete, "Monetary Economics 101: The Real Bills Doctrine of Adam Smith," Lecture 6, Aug.5, 2002, http//www.shoemakerconsulting.com/GoldisFreedom/PVFfiles/ lecture101-6pvf.htm, Sept. 12, 2007.
6. Antal E. Fekete, "Monetary Economics 101: The Real Bills Doctrine of Adam Smith," Lecture 12, Oct.6, 2002, http//www.shoemakerconsulting.com/GoldisFreedom/PVFfiles/ lecture101-12pvf.htm, Sept. 12, 2007.
7. Allen, p. 183.
8. Nelson Hultberg, "Cranks in the Gold Community," July 11, 2005, http://www.finacialsense.com/editorials/hultberg/2005/0711.htm, July 12, 2005.
9. Allen, p. 84.
10. George Bancroft, A Plea of the Constitution of the United States, p. 40.
11. Ibid., p. 43.
12. The Gold Standard Institute, Newsletter #3, August 24, 2009, p. 1.

Copyright © 2009 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

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