Showing posts with label fiat money. Show all posts
Showing posts with label fiat money. Show all posts

Monday, April 28, 2025

Three Thoughts About Money

Three Thoughts About Money

Thomas Allen


Discussed below are Executive Order 11110, cryptocurrency as a form of fiat money, and payment of interest on the national debt.

Executive Order 11110

Some people believe that President Kennedy was assassinated because he was planning to abolish the Federal Reserve System. Their proof is Executive Order 11110. Using this executive order as proof, some claim that Kennedy was planning to replace federal reserve notes with US notes, a.k.a. greenbacks. One wonders if these people have ever read Executive Order 11110.

The portended part of Executive Order 11110 reads:

(j) The authority vested in the President by paragraph (b) of section 43 of the Act of May 12, 1933, as amended (31 U.S.C. 821 (b)), to issue silver certificates against any silver bullion, silver, or standard silver dollars in the Treasury not then held for redemption of any outstanding silver certificates, to prescribe the denominations of such silver certificates, and to coin standard silver dollars and subsidiary silver currency for their redemption,  (https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-11110-amendment-executive-order-no-10289-amended-relating-the-performance)

Executive Order 11110 had nothing to do with the Federal Reserve. It delegated the President's authority to issue silver certificates to the Secretary of the Treasury. In 1878, Congress authorized the President to issue silver certificates — long before the Federal Reserve existed. 

Moreover, Executive Order 11110  had nothing to do with US notes. By law, the Department of the Treasury had to maintain $346,681,016 of US notes in circulation from 1878 to 1971. 

When this executive order was issued, three types of paper money were circulating in the United States: silver certificates, US notes, and Federal Reserve notes. Although all had equivalent purchasing power, all were issued under different laws. (One may still find silver certificates and US notes in circulation. I have received one of each since 2000.)

Furthermore, the President cannot abolish the Federal Reserve. Only Congress can abolish it. Congress created it; Congress can abolish it.

        Moreover, a common misconception that some people have about US notes is that they are debt-free money. They are not. A note is a debt instrument. Therefore, a US note is a debt. However, it is a noninterest-bearing and nonmaturing debt that is legal tender.

This strange notion that President Kennedy was assassinated because of Executive Order 11110 and that this executive order replaced Federal Reserve notes with US notes, which would have led to abolishing the Federal Reserve, has been floating around for at least 40 years.


Cryptocurrency

Cryptocurrency like Bitcoin is not real money. It is a type of fiat money. Real money has quantity, measurement, and substance. Fiat paper money has only quantity. Likewise, cryptocurrency has only quantity.

An early illustration of these three attributes in real money is recorded in Genesis 23:16. Abraham bought a burial plot. He paid 400 (quantity) shekels (measurement of weight) of silver (substance). In pre-1933 money, if a person bought something with a $20 gold coin, he paid with money that had quantity (20), measurement (dollar, a unit of weight equal to 23.22 grains), and substance (gold).

Cryptocurrency lacks two of these three characteristics. For example, a Bitcoin has a quantity of one. It can be converted to fiat money, such as dollars or euros, which has quantity but, like Bitcoin, lacks measurement and substance. (Bitcoin averaged about $60,000 in 2024 and ranged between about $39,507 and $99,637.) Unlike fiat paper money like the dollar, which appears to have a measurement, cryptocurrency does not even seem to give the illusion of a measurement until it is converted to a fiat currency. However, even if cryptocurrency has a measurement, its measurement, like fiat currency, is an abstraction. It measures nothing of substance. A unit of measurement has to be something concrete and definable, like the meter, ounce, minute, or horsepower, so that things can be compared with it. It has to be something that instruments can determine. Also, it lacks substance as its monetary value exceeds the value of the material of which it is made, and it does not promise to deliver anything concrete. (See “What Is the Difference Between Commodity and Fiat Money” and “Differences Between Real Money and Fiat Money” by Thomas Allen.)

Another distinction between real money and fiat money is how the quantity of money in circulation is determined. With real money, the markets decide how much money is in circulation. The money supply adjusts automatically to meet monetary needs. Under a fiat monetary system, the money supply is regulated artificially; instead of the markets deciding, some entity decides. For paper fiat money, the government or its central bank regulates the quantity in circulation. With cryptocurrency, the programmer regulates it with the program that he wrote that creates the cryptocurrency. Like other fiat currencies, the quantity of cryptocurrency is independent of the market or economic needs or demand for money. (See “Gold and Silver as Fiat Money” by Thomas Allen.)

One advantage that the existing paper fiat monetary system has over cryptocurrency is that it has a mechanism for withdrawing excess money. Cryptocurrency lacks such a mechanism. Once cryptocurrency is issued, it remains in circulation forever unless it is lost.


Interest on the National Debt

Many people express concern about paying the ever-growing interest on the ever-growing US national debt. However, two legal methods can be used to eliminate paying the interest on the US debt.

First, Congress can require the Federal Reserve Bank to buy all US government’s debt securities. Under current law, all earnings of the Federal Reserve above its operational cost go to the US Treasury. Thus, nearly all the interest that the federal government pays on its debts would return to the US Treasury. If Congress thought that the Federal Reserve’s operating expenses were too high, it could limit those expenses.

Second, the federal government could pay the interest with government notes, a.k.a. US notes, also called greenbacks. Also, it could pay off or even buy back the US government’s debt securities with government notes. Government notes are notes issued directly by the government instead of indirectly through the central bank, as are Federal Reserve notes. Moreover, instead of issuing bonds, treasury bills, etc., the federal government could just issue government notes. From the government’s perspective, government notes have a great advantage over other governmental debt. Government notes pay no interest and never mature. (See “Difference Between Bank Notes and Government Notes” by Thomas Allen.)

Of course, if either of these two methods is used, the US dollar will go the way of the Zimbabwean dollar much quicker than it will under the current system. (At its peak, the Zimbabwean inflation was estimated at 79.6 billion percent month-on-month, 89.7 sextillion percent year-on-year in mid-November 2008.)


Copyright © 2025 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Wednesday, January 22, 2025

Why I am not a White Nationalist — Where They Are Wrong Economically

Why I am not a White Nationalist — 

Where They Are Wrong Economically

Thomas Allen


White Nationalists advocate adopting highly invasive, liberty-destroying, and immensely destructive economic and monetary programs. A discussion of some of them follows.

Managed economy. White Nationalists have a low opinion of the free market, free enterprise economic system; like most people, they confuse it with capitalism. (See “Capitalists and Socialists” by Thomas Allen.) Even those who do not confuse it with capitalism have an especially low opinion of it. Since White Nationalists have more trust and confidence in bureaucrats than they have in the people, even White people, they prefer a governmentally managed economy to a free market, free enterprise economy.

Communist threat to capitalists. Contrary to what many White Nationalists believe, capitalists do not have to be threatened with communism. Few White Nationalists know that if it were not for capitalists’ succor, communism would have died a stillbirth. (See “Soviet Union” and “China” by Thomas Allen.)

Welfare. Although White Nationalists oppose Martin Luther King’s social justice (discrimination against Whites and special privileges for Blacks and other nonwhites), they not only want to implement his economic justice but also expand it. Like King, they are proponents of the welfare state. They seem to admire President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society (except the civil rights and immigration parts of it). Their primary objection to the Great Society is the recipients of the benefits. The principal problem that White Nationalists seem to have with King’s economic justice is that he did not go far enough. Like King, they have no qualms about forcibly taking property from producers and giving it to nonproducers.

Most White Nationalists advocate a welfare state for the benefit of the working and middle classes. Contrary to what many of them believe, mostly the working and middle classes will pay for this welfare state. Moreover, the welfare state benefits the oligarchs more than anyone else since it makes the working and middle classes more dependent on the government, which the oligarchs control. When a person is receiving financial benefits from the government, he is less likely to object to governmental actions even if they are detrimental to him because he fears losing his benefits. Some White Nationalists find such control desirable.

Protectionism. Like many statists, White Nationalists are proponents of protectionism. They want to protect politically favored industries from competition. Thus, they are enamored with government-business partnerships, i.e., corporate welfare; protectionism is just a form of corporate welfare.

Protectionism may give workers in the protected industry higher pay, but it does so at the expense of other workers with higher prices, which lowers their standard of living. Protectionism is of little benefit to construction workers, plumbers, carpenters, electricians, medical faculty workers, teachers, hospitality workers, and most service providers. Often, protectionism adversely affects workers in the protected industries. Owners of the protected industries are the primary beneficiaries. (For more discussion on protectionism, see “Questions for Protectionists,” “Do We Really Need to Return to Hamilton,” and “A Letter: Tariffs” by Thomas Allen.)

Instead of giving politically favored industries special advantages with tariffs and quotas at the expense of consumers, a more prudent approach that would save taxpayers money and encourage manufacturers not to build their plants overseas should be used. This approach ends all subsidies that encourage them to locate their factories overseas. Moreover, the US armed forces would not be used to protect their property in foreign countries. Also, reducing regulations on domestic manufacturers would reduce the incentive to move outside the country. One thing that most people forget is that imports are bought with exports. The more a country imports, the more it must export. (Currently, a major export of the United States is the fiat US dollar.)

Interest. Some White Nationalists want to outlaw interest. When the government suppresses the rate of interest, the country consumes its capital. As a country uses its capital for consumption, its economy deteriorates and poverty grows. Eventually, all its capital is consumed and it returns to the hunter-gatherer stage. (For a more detailed discussion on interest, see “Usury” and “Questions for Anti-Usurers” by Thomas Allen.)

Fiat money. Like all statists, White Nationalists adore fiat money and abhor commodity money (gold and silver). (For the difference between fiat money and commodity money, see “What Is the Difference Between Commodity and Fiat Money” by Thomas Allen.) Unlike the founding fathers, who trusted the people and left control of the money supply directly in the hands of the people, White Nationalists trust politicians and bureaucrats to regulate and control the money supply. Under the gold coin standard contained in the US Constitution, the people decided how many gold coins were needed by the quantity of gold they brought to the mint for coinage and the quantity of gold coins they melted for nonmonetary uses. (See "Constitutional Money" by Thomas Allen.) The same is true for the silver standard. (For more on the gold standard, see “What is the Gold Standard?” by Thomas Allen.) Moreover, gold extinguishes debt, while fiat money merely discharges debt by passing it to another. (See “Extinguishing Debt” by Thomas Allen.) A major reason that fiat money adherents hate the true gold-coin standard is that the government cannot control the money under the gold-coin standard.

When accompanied by the real bills doctrine, enough money is created to clear the market of newly produced goods. Most of the money created under the real bills doctrine goes initially to the workers and suppliers of material used to manufacture the products. Further, when money created under the real bills doctrine has done its work, it is automatically removed from the market and does not cause inflation. A chief flaw of all fiat monetary systems is a lack of a mechanism to remove excess money from the economy; consequently, fiat monetary systems nearly always have problems with inflation. (For more discussion on the real bills doctrine, see “Real Bills Doctrine” by Thomas Allen.)

Social credits. Some White Nationalists prefer the social credit fiat monetary system. This system is highly flawed and will fail to do what its supporters claim it will do. It is highly invasive and greatly swells the ranks of governmental bureaucrats. Moreover, it demands enormous amounts of record-keeping, reporting, and data analysis. Nevertheless, most White Nationalists probably know nothing about the social credit system, and many have never heard of it. (For a detailed discussion of the social credit system, see “Analysis of Richard Cook’s Monetary Reforms as Presented in We Hold These Truths” by Thomas Allen.)

Central bank digital currency is ideal for the social credit economy because it makes tracking private spending transparent and, therefore, easier. Further, it reduces the time between collecting and analyzing data and the injection of new currency. Also, it can be used to force people to spend by directly stealing their savings. (Most social credit advocates despise savings.)

Moreover, since the social credit economy requires an administrative state, it is compatible with an administrative state. (An administrative state is a state ruled by experts and technocrats for the benefit of the oligarchs.) Most other fiat monetary reform schemes also require an administrative state. Furthermore, the administrative state eliminates checks and balances by merging the executive, legislative, and judicial functions into one agency, which is what many White Nationalists seem to want.

Guaranteed income. Like King, White Nationalists promote a guaranteed annual income. A guaranteed annual income is the foundation of the social credit system.

Economic summary. The difference between the monetary and economic system that White Nationalism promotes and that fascism and socialism promote is difficult to distinguish. (Since the United States have adopted at least 80 percent of the planks in the Communist Manifesto, distinguishing between the US government and a communist government is often difficult. See “Are the United States a Communist Country?” by Thomas Allen.) All want to use the government to force people, ultimately under the penalty of death, to do what most people do not naturally want to do. 


Conclusion

Many White Nationalists seem to overlook the necessity of a firm moral foundation. Christianity used to provide this foundation. However, between World War I and World War II, it began earnestly to be phased out. During the civil rights era, this foundation has been nearly eradicated as Christian denominations replaced the gospel of Jesus with the gospel of King and wokeism. To replace dying Christianity, a few White Nationalists promote paganism, especially Nordic paganism. Yet, paganism offers no firm moral foundation. Various forms of paganism are prominent in America today; the three most popular are the worship of Hermes (sports), Gaia (climate change), and Moloch (abortion). Most White Nationalists seem to want to replace Christianity with the welfare state and the worship of the state.

Only a few White Nationalists seem to realize that the political and economic policies and programs that they advocate lead to despotic tyranny even if the country is entirely White. Although they deplore totalitarianism, their worship of the state and their proposed economic system leads to totalitarianism.

Their love of statism, support of the welfare state, and the proposed monetary and economic system disqualify me from being a White Nationalist. Nevertheless, they are generally correct in their solution to racial problems and many other social issues. However, their ignorance of economics knows no bounds. As abysmal as the current monetary and economic system is in the US, the proposals of White Nationalists are far worse.

Further, the primary difference between the typical White Nationalist and the typical left-winger is racial and social issues. Other than these issues, they mostly agree on other issues at least in principle although they may differ in details.

In summary, the foreign and social policies of White Nationalism are excellent. However, its political and economic policies are horrendous.


Copyright © 2025 by Thomas Coley Allen.

 Part 2

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Friday, March 10, 2023

Two Thoughts Related to Economics

Two Thoughts Related to Economics

Thomas Allen


The following discusses two errors related to money that Brandon Smith makes and protective tariffs and wages.

Brandon Smith’s Errors

Brandon Smith’s “Simple fixes to our economic problems that establishment elites won't allow” contains at least two errors.

1. “Basically, the Fed bankrolls the corruption through fiat money creation while government officials and corporations utilize the money to wreak havoc on our living standards. Ending the Fed would solve the fiat money problem” Eliminating the Fed would not eliminate the fiat money problem. The federal government can just print and issue government notes and their electronic equivalent. It did so during the Lincoln administration with the greenback, which was a fiat currency, that significantly reduced the purchasing power of the dollar. Merely cutting out the middleman, the Fed, does not solve the fiat money problem.

2. “[W]hile it is true that the Constitution explicitly states that the U.S. Treasury becomes the only issuer of U.S. currency, this was done at a time when our currency was backed by gold and silver and there was no corrupt middleman in the form of a central bank.” The Constitution does not make the US government the only issuer of US currency. It only delegates the federal government the power to coin gold and silver and to fix the weights and purity of the coins so minted. Also, the U.S. Treasury is not mentioned in the Constitution. Moreover, the federal government never issued paper money until the Lincoln administration. Before then, private banks issued all paper currency, and they continued to issue paper currency until Franklin Roosevelt’s administration. During that time the federal government issued several types of paper currency (US notes, gold certificates, silver certificates, and Treasury Notes of 1890). It continued to issue silver certificates until the 1960s and US notes until the 1970s. When the drafters of the Constitution removed the authority of the federal government to issue bills of credit, they thought that they had removed the authority for the federal government to issue paper currency. 

Protective Tariffs and Wages

Many people support protective tariffs because they believe that the tariffs will protect jobs and raise wages. If tariffs raise wages and protect jobs, it is only for those in the protected industries — and because of immigration, they may not even do that. However, they raise prices for everyone and, by that, they reduce the standard of living.

Historically, manufacturers have been the proponents of protective tariffs. They want protected markets for their inefficient companies. Also, they have been big supporters of large-scale immigration to suppress wages. Increasing the supply of workers suppresses wages and thwarts innovation.

Often, companies will use the argument of a lack of skilled workers so that they can import workers to work for less pay to suppress labor costs, i.e., wages. For example, companies may claim that a shortage of computer programmers exists because they have to pay computer programmers higher salaries than they want to pay. Consequently, these companies import foreign computer programmers who work for less pay. Importing foreign computer programmers to fill computer programmer jobs at lower wages prevents the market from signaling via higher wages that a shortage of computer programmers exists. Thus, fewer domestic workers learn computer programming skills. Allowing the markets to signal that a shortage of computer programmers exists encourages more people to learn the skills of computer programmers.

If people want to raise wages, they should severely restrict immigration. Fewer workers lead to higher wages and innovations that lower the cost of production. Moreover, immigration restrictions do so without increasing the cost of living.


Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Thursday, August 8, 2019

A Letter: Money and Conspiracy: Part 1 — Money

A Letter: Money and Conspiracy
Part 1 — Money
Thomas Allen

[Editor’s note: The following is a letter written in 2004 responding to an article by Mr. Rittenouse in Countryside. This letter has been divided into two parts: Part 1 — Money and Part 2 — Conspiracy.]


    The following are a few comments on Mr. Rittenhouse’s article “Commodities, Fiat, and Theories,” which appeared in the July/August issue.
    In defining money, Mr. Rittenhouse gives three components that an item must meet to be used as money. It is used as a medium of exchange, a store of value, and a unit of account. Federal reserve notes, which are what passes for money today, meet only two of these three criteria. It is not a store of value. Since the beginning of the Federal Reserve System in 1914, which has a governmentally protected monopoly on issuing (creating) money, the dollar has lost 95 percent of its value. Over this period, an ounce of gold is still worth an ounce of gold. In dollar terms, an ounce of gold equaled about $20 in 1914; today, it equals about $400 [at the beginning of 2019, it buys about $1280 in federal reserve notes]. Thus, gold has retained its value. It is far superior to federal reserve notes as a store of value.
    Furthermore, if federal reserve notes, which are instruments of debt, were the market’s first choice of money, the government would not have to make them legal tender. The legal tender law requires people to accept the governmentally declared money, federal reserve notes, in payment of debt or to forego payment of the debt.
    What made gold and silver money, along with the other items that Mr. Rittenhouse lists that have been used as money, is that they had other uses. Gold and silver are commodities that can be used for something other than money. That they can be used for other things gives them intrinsic value. Before we became so sophisticated, people would never have thought of voluntarily using paper for money because paper has such low intrinsic value. (The paper that was used for exchange was redeemable in gold or silver.) The intrinsic value of a $10 bill is the same as that of a $100 bill. They both use the same amount of paper and ink and cost the same to make. The lack of intrinsic value necessitates legal tender laws.
    Mr. Rittenhouse identifies problems with counterfeiting gold coins or stamping gold coins with a higher weight and purity than it actually has. Paper money has the same problems. There are licensed counterfeiters, which in the United States is the Federal Reserve System. There are unlicenced counterfeiters, who are the people that the Treasury Department goes after. In a society accustomed to a gold coin monetary system, detecting a counterfeit gold is easier for more people than detecting high-quality counterfeit money. (This is especially true when a situation like the one that occurred at the end of World War II. At the end of World War II, the United States gave the Soviet Union the plates and paper needed to print U.S. occupational currency.)
    What Mr. Rittenhouse writes about the Federal Reserve controlling the money supply as a matter of law is true. His claim that federal reserve notes are fiat currency and that people are required to accept them under the penalty of law is also true. The Federal Reserve may be doing a good job of controlling, i.e., increasing the money supply, but any good counterfeiter could do that. However, it has been an extremely poor steward of the dollar having destroyed 95 percent of its value.
    Mr. Rittenhouse goes on to describe the Kondratiev Wave. Like him, I am not sold on this theory. The stories that I read today arguing that we are in the trough the Kondratiev Wave are similar to those that I read in the 1970s. (When corrected for inflation, a bottom in real terms occurred in the 1970s, but was masked by inflation.) If the bottom occurred in the 1970s, then according to the timeline of this theory, the next bottom should not occur until circa 2020. Many of the current advocates of the Kondratiev Wave are predicting that gold like everything else, except the dollar, will decline in value.
    Paper money always loses value over time and eventually becomes worth no more than its Btu content or toilet paper. (In Zimbabwe, a roll of toilet paper has 720 squares and cost 10,000 Zimbabwean dollars. So, if one changes his $10,000-note in the one thousand $10-notes, he has 720 sheets for wiping and $280 left over for spending. [This was in 2004 before Zimbabwe's hyperinflation began really to accelerate.]) An ounce of gold remains an ounce of gold forever. Paper money loses value because the government, through its surrogate central bank, can print money easier than it can raise taxes.
    My outlook on the dollar is pessimistic. The dollar is going down and gold up. Debt is going to drive the dollar down. Before this run is over, which will last another five to ten years, gold is going to $5000 an ounce assuming things do not get really bad [my timing was off considerably for the dollar amount or for the years]. (The run is not over until the DJIA can be bought for an ounce of gold, which means stocks have a long way to fall and gold has a long way to rise.) If things get really bad, then gold is going beyond anyone’s wildest speculation. The wildest speculation that I have come across made by a person who follows the gold market is $111,000 per ounce. This should be a floor. If things get really bad, Mr. Rittenhouse is correct in that all our lives will be in great danger.
    Gold is probably the hardest market to trade or to invest in. In stock, bonds, real estate, and all other markets, the trader or investor has to fight his greed or his fear — never both together. In gold, he has to fight both at the same time. When gold is sky-high, greed enters as it does in other markets. Yet, when gold is sky-high, it is there because of fear.
    The bottom line is spend your federal reserve notes but save your gold. Use federal reserve notes as a purchasing medium, and use gold as a store of value.


Copyright © 2004, 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Part 2

Saturday, September 16, 2017

Paper Money and the Gold Standard

Paper Money and the Gold Standard
Thomas Allen

    Many people who are hostile toward the gold standard assert or imply that all purchases have to be made with gold coins or perhaps gold bars under the gold standard. Paper money, checks, and electronic transfers are not used. Some suggest that they would be prohibited. Some hold this view out of ignorance; others, out of hatred of gold as money. Unfortunately, even some proponents of the gold standard seem to hold this view.
    To the contrary, paper money and checks were used during the era of the gold standard. More purchases were made with paper money, checks, and token coins than with gold coins. When the gold standard returns, many more purchases will be made with paper money, checks, token coins, and electronic transfers than with gold coins.
    The primary purpose of gold coins is to keep everyone honest. It prevents an unsustainable expansion of credit. Redemption of paper money (bank notes, government notes, checkable deposits) on demand keeps credit under control and smooths the business cycle.
    Under the gold standard, people, especially business people, often deposed gold coins in checking accounts. Others exchanged their gold coins for paper money because paper money was more convenient to carry.
    A check under the gold standard is an order to the bank to transfer gold from the account on which it is drawn to the bearer of the check. A bank note is essentially a check that a bank draws on itself. It is an order to the issuing bank to pay the bearer of the note the amount of gold stated on the note when redeemed.
    The major problem with bank notes and checkable deposits is that banks can over issue them. It can do so either deliberately or accidentally. For example, when a bank buys treasury bills with bank notes or checkable deposits in excess of its unencumbered gold deposits, it is deliberately over issuing. When it converts a real bill of exchange to bank notes or checkable deposits and the person on whom the bill is drawn and the endorser of the bill go bankrupt, it inadvertently over issued (this lost should be covered by gold reserves set aside for this purpose).
    Thus, as banks do today, banks under the gold standard can, often did, practice unsound banking — borrowing short and lending long. Also, when banks use the same money (gold) for multiple loans, it is practicing unsound banking. However, unlike the current fiat monetary system that enables unsound banking to be used for an extended time, the gold standard ends such practices fairly quickly with bank runs — the conversion of bank credit money (bank notes and checkable deposits) into gold.

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Tuesday, August 29, 2017

Poor on Huskisson

Poor on Huskisson
Thomas Allen

    In 1877, Henry Varnum Poor (1812-1905) wrote Money and Its Laws: Embracing a History of Monetary Theories, and a History of the Currency of the United States. He was a financial analyst and founder of a company that evolved into Standard & Poor’s. Poor was a proponent of the real bills doctrine and the classical gold-coin standard and, thus, the quality theory of money. He gave little credence to the quantity theory of money — especially if credit money, such as bank notes, were convertible on demand in species. Also, he contended that the value of money depends on and is derived from the value of the material of which it is made and with paper money, its representation of such value.
    In the latter part of his book, he discusses leading monetary theorists from Aristotle (350 B.C.) to David A. Wells (1875). Most of the economists whom he discussed were proponents of the quantity theory of money. We will look at his discussion on William Huskisson. My comments are in brackets. Referenced page numbers enclosed in parentheses are to Poor’s book.
    William Huskisson (1770-1830) was a British statesman, financier, and member of Parliament. He wrote “Question Concerning the Depreciation of Our Currency” (1810), which Poor reviews. Huskisson wrote his pamphlet during the Napoleonic wars when the English pound was not convertible into gold or silver. His and Poor’s comments reflect this condition.
    Huskisson states that in the popular sense, money is often considered to have only purely arbitrary and conventional value. Sometimes, it is defined as “the representation of all other commodities, and sometimes as the common measure of them” (p. 216). He concludes that these definitions are incomplete “because they are equally applicable to every description of currency, whether consisting of the precious metal, of paper, or of any other article” (p. 216). Huskisson continues, “It is of the essence of money to possess intrinsic value” (p. 216). Moreover, “The quality of representing commodities does not necessarily imply intrinsic value; because that quality may be given either by confidence or by authority. The quality of being a common measure does not necessarily imply intrinsic value” (p. 216). He adds, “Money, or a given quantity of gold or silver, is not only the common measure and common representative of all other commodities, but also the common and universal equivalent” (p. 216). Although paper currency has no intrinsic value, promissory notes in whatever form and from whatever source can represent value. “It does so, in as much as it is an undertaking to pay, in money, the sum for which it is issued” (p. 216) “The money, or coin of a country, is so much of its capital. Paper currency is no part of the capital of a country: it is so much circulating credit” (p. 216). Huskisson adds, “Whoever buys, gives, whoever sells, receives, such a quantity of pure gold or silver as is equivalent to the article bought or sold; or, if he gives or receives paper instead of money, he gives or receives that which is valuable only as it stipulates the payment of a given quantity of gold or silver” (pp. 216-217). Paper money remains at par with gold if it is convertible to gold coin. Both money (gold coin) and paper promissory money (bank notes) “are common measures and representatives of the value of all commodities. But money alone is the universal equivalent; paper currency is the representative of that money” (p. 217). He identifies two types of paper currency: “the one resting upon confidence, the other upon authority” (p. 217). Paper currency resting upon confidence is circulating credit. Bank notes are of this type of currency. Paper currency resting upon authority is paper money [government notes and bank notes made legal tender by the government] are of this type of currency (p. 217). [Huskisson was a Bullionist. That is, he believed that paper money ought to be a warehouse receipt for gold. For each dollar, pound, or franc of paper money in circulation, there ought to be a dollar, pound, or franc of gold stored in a vault to back that paper money.]
    Poor objects to Huskisson’s notion that confidence or authority can give quality to representing commodities. Poor remarks, “That a person believes that a note which he takes represents commodities does not make it the representative of them, any more than the belief of the Alchemists made the baser metals in combination the representatives of gold, into which they so long sought to convert them. If confidence would create values, the silliest dunce would be the Croesus of the race” (p. 217).
    Some people believe that if the government can declare the length of the foot or meter for measuring distance, it can declare that a bank note [or a government note] can measure value: “Intrinsic value is no more necessary in one case than in the other” (p. 217). To this belief, Poor replies that owners of land would not accept for their sales the instruments by which their acres are measured. To them, a surveyor’s chain is only worth its value as scrap metal. “When men buy and sell, they exchange, or intend to exchange, articles possessing equal values” (p. 217). [Actually, exchanges only take place when both parties perceive that they are receiving something of greater value to themselves than what they are giving up.]
    Poor continues citing Huskisson. According to Huskisson, if a country’s circulating currency consists exclusively of gold and if the quantity of gold in that country doubles while the quantity of gold and the demand for it remained the same in all other countries, then the value of gold in such country would fall. This loss of value would appear as a rise in the prices of all commodities. However, since gold is much cheaper in the country in which its quantity has increased, it would be bought and exported to other countries until its value is again equal in all parts of the world (p. 218). If a country’s circulating currency consists of both gold and paper and if a paper currency were doubled while the quantity gold remains the same, prices will rise. The value of gold as a commodity will rise in price and in the same proportion as other commodities; that is, its value compared with other commodities will remain the same. Such an increase in paper currency causes the exportation of gold coin because gold’s value as currency remains the same while its price in that currency has increased, i.e., the gold content of the coin is worth more than the denomination stamped on the coin. This exportation decreases the currency in circulation and thus supports the value of the currency remaining. Thus, “[a]n excess of paper has, in the first instance, the same effect upon prices as an excess of the precious metals, to the same amount, would have, in any particular country. But it does not admit of the same relief: it cannot right itself by exportation” (p. 218).
    Huskisson identifies two ways that the currency of a country can be depreciated:
        1. If its standard coin contain less of gold or silver than it is certified to contain. In that case, the paper, as representing the coin, is also depreciated, and precisely in the same degree as the coin.
        2. If the standard coin being of full weight, and the paper which represents that standard coin, and is, or purports to be, exchangeable for it, is not exchangeable, at the same time, for so large a quantity of gold or silver as is contained in the coin which it represents. In that case, the coin, though undiminished in value, must, as part of the currency, partake of the depreciation of the whole (p. 218).
    Poor remarks that if the currency of a country consists of gold coin and paper and if the two were equal in value, then the paper must be symbolic. Contrary to Huskisson assumption, a doubling of the currency would not be inflationary.  Poor writes:
Prices would, in reference to money, remain unchanged. So long as gold and paper possessed the same value, an increase, or, rather, an inflation, of the currency, would not inflate or increase the price of gold bullion, — gold as merchandise, — while it might increase the value of all other kinds of merchandise, for the very good reason that gold cannot rise in value in reference to itself; that is, a sovereign after the inflation would purchase the same amount of bullion as before” (p. 219).
    Moreover, Poor remarks, “So long as coin would purchase no more than an equal nominal amount of paper, gold would have no more tendency to go abroad than before such increase. Indeed, its tendency would be inward to provide adequate reserves for the increase of paper” (p. 219).
    He continues, “If adequate provision, either in merchandise or coin, were not made for its [paper currency’s] redemption, it [paper currency] would become depreciated: it would not be exchangeable for an equal quantity of gold, nor would it command an equal amount of merchandise with gold, no matter whether it rested upon confidence or authority” (p. 219). Moreover, he adds, “The value of gold would not be influenced in any degree by the amount or value of the paper outstanding” (p. 219).
    According to Poor, if paper currency rests on authority and was issued in large amounts, “it would, in great measure, drive the coin previously in circulation out of the country. But this fact would not tend, in any degree, to raise the value of the currency ‘resting on authority’” (p. 220). Furthermore, contrary to Huskisson’s assertion, “[t]he exportation of coin would tend to reduce the value of such currency, instead of raising it, by rendering it all the more difficult to resume, from the impoverishment of the people, which would be measured by the amount of gold — capital — that had been drawn from them” (p. 220). [Also, the government has no power to create value on which the currency must rest except to declare the monetary unit to be a specific weight of a commodity, such as gold or silver, to which paper currency is convertible on demand. Many proponents of fiat paper money do believe that government fiat can actually give value to that which has no value.]
    According to Poor, Huskisson believes that paper currency resisting on confidence or authority is equal to gold as a measure of value. A decline in the value of paper currency brings down equally the value of gold, “for the reason that one competent measure of value must be equal in potency or effect to any other competent measure” (p. 220). However, the opposite is true. Poor writes “that the paper money of the country, though declared to have a value equal to that of an equal nominal amount of gold, did not possess such value; that the values of the two, though equally supported by authority, had no necessary relation the one to the other; and that their wide divergence was well calculated to excite the most profound alarm” (p. 220).
    Poor concludes,
He [Huskisson] could not go into the market to make any purchase, without having thrust into his hand two scales of prices, — one in paper, the other in gold; yet, in the face of all this, he was so tied to tradition as to assert that money resting upon authority — the assignats of France and the Revolutionary Currency of the United States — was as competent a measure of values as gold and silver (pp. 220-221).
    [Many fiat money reformers believe that the Continental and assignat failed because the government did not follow the right scheme in issuing them. Also, the flaws of today’s paper monetary system, including its electronic equivalent, result from following the doctrines of Keynes and Friedman instead of the scheme that the fiat money reformers promote, who disagree with each other on the proper scheme. Examples of these schemes are:
    – the Social Credit scheme, which requires the government to give the people enough money to  fill the gap between national income and gross domestic product (GDP);
    – the American Monetary Institute’s scheme, which has the government creating and issuing government notes directly without banks {v. “Analysis of the American Institute’s American Monetary Act” by Thomas Allen};
    – Richard Cook’s scheme, which is a combination of the Social Credit scheme and the American Monetary Institute’s scheme {v. “Analysis of Richard Cook’s Monetary Reforms as Presented in We Hold These Truths” by Thomas Allen};
    – the Money Reform Act scheme, which promotes the government issuing government notes and an end to banks converting loans to money {v. “Analysis of the Monetary Reform Act” by Thomas Allen};
    – Arnold Leese’s scheme, which is a fascist monetary scheme {v. “Analysis of Money No Mystery” by Thomas Allen};
    – Byron Dale’s scheme, which has the government printing and spending government notes to finance the construction and maintenance of roads {v. “Analysis of Byron Dale’s Monetary Reforms as Presented in Bashed by the Bankers by Thomas Allen};
    – Charles Norburn’s scheme, which has the government creating and spending government notes into circulation and an end to issuing interest-bearing government securities {v. “Analysis of Charles Norburn’s Monetary Reforms as Presented in Honest Money” by Thomas Allen};
    – the Foundation to Restore and Educated Electorate scheme, which is similar to Norburn’s scheme {v. “Comparison of Three Monetary Systems” by Thomas Allen};
    – Gertrude Coogan’s scheme, which has a trusteeship answerable to Congress issuing government notes to match productiveness and to maintain stable general prices {v. Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System: A Return to Constitutional Money by Thomas Allen, pp. 232-233};
    – Silas Adams’ scheme, which has the government owning most of the country by buying all bonds, promissory notes, and other debt securities and corporate stock and other securities with government notes {v. Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System: A Return to Constitutional Money by Thomas Allen, pp. 233-235};
    – K.S. Kenan’s scheme, which reduces the Federal Reserve mostly to a clearing house for banks and makes the Department of the Treasury responsible for issuing the country’s currency and replacing all interest-bearing U.S. securities with non-interest-bearing government notes {v. Reconstruction of America’s Monetary and Banking System: A Return to Constitutional Money by Thomas Allen, pp. 235-238}.
For fiat money reformers, the problem is not fiat money itself; the problem is how the fiat money system is administrated.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.


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Thursday, August 3, 2017

Should the Silver Standard Accompany the Gold Standard?

Should the Silver Standard Accompany the Gold Standard?
Thomas Allen

    Several important reasons exist to have the silver standard accompanying the gold standard. However, the old bimetallic standard with a legally fixed ratio or exchange rate between the two metals should not exist. The markets should determine the exchange rate between the two.
    A silver standard easily accomplishes what gold cannot. Precious metal coins should be in a convent denomination sufficiently small enough to pay the daily wage of a common labor or migrant field worker with one or more coins.
    The daily wage of a common laborer is less than a pennyweight of gold. Two pennyweights is about the practical limit of the minimum size of a gold coin. A two-pennyweight coin is about the size of a dime.
    Silver coins can easily fill this void. In silver, a day’s wage for a common laborer would be a little more than 20 pennyweights (one ounce) of silver.
    A common laborer should be paid in true, full-bodied, full-weight, money, and not in token coins or credit money, which is what he would receive under the gold standard. He should be able to carry true, full-bodied money in his pocket and have true money to spend if he so desires, and not just token coins or credit money. A silver standard provides him this service.
    Another advantage of having both standards is that one metal, silver, provides convent coins for small value. The other, gold, provides coins for large value. The tendency would be to price cheap items in silver and expensive items in gold. Sliver coins are likely to circulate more than gold coins.
    Historically, silver has been better suited for trade (buying and selling of goods and services), and gold, for commerce (large-scale exchanges of goods). Silver seems more suited for industrial and agricultural areas, and gold, for the commercial and financial arenas. However, the markets should determine which products and services are priced in terms of silver and which in terms of gold. To allow coins of both metals to circulate freely gives the people the advantage inherent in both metals.
    If only gold were money, then token and paper money would be needed to buy most items. Most common items are priced below two pennyweights of gold. Gold coins could not be used to buy these items individually, or if used, the change would not be in gold coins. However, if silver were money, silver coins (as silver money and not as subsidiary coins for gold) could be used to buy most of these items. Some items would be priced below two pennyweights of silver, and token coins would be needed to buy then individually.
    Perhaps the most important reason for having both the gold and silver standards is that together they make replacing commodity money with fiat money more difficult. When the silver standard accompanies the gold standard, it protects the gold standard from deteriorating into fiat currency. “Gold must be priced in something other than gold, otherwise every sale of gold would have to end up as exchange of amounts of gold. . . .”[1] To maintain an honest monetary system, this something has to be a monetary metal in its own right. Silver is the most appropriate commodity money for this purpose. When both metals are money, each metal in the form of bullion can be priced in terms of the other metal. Otherwise, under a monometallic standard, the monetary metal in bullion form is priced in paper notes or token coins, which introduces a fiat unit of accounts. The gold and silver standard is much more effective at protecting the integrity of the money than either standard alone.
    A historical example of a dual monetary system occurred in the United States between 1862 and 1879. During this era both U.S. note (greenback) dollars and gold dollars circulated as money. Both were used for purchases and wages. Because U.S. notes were not redeemable in gold, no fixed exchange rate existed between fiat U.S. notes and gold coins. However, in most of the United States, U.S. notes were used for the payment of debt because they had legal tender status and were less valuable than gold.
    Moreover, many third world countries operate with a dual monetary system. Many use the U.S. dollar and a local currency; sometimes a relatively strong regional currency is also used. They function with little difficulty going between currencies even without modern technology. Also, stores along the U.S.-Mexican border accept both Mexican pesos and U.S. dollars. With today’s technology, conversion between gold and silver should be without difficulty. If an item were priced in silver, it could easily be bought with gold and vice versa.
    To ensure that both full-weight silver and gold coins circulate and that one does not become subsidiary to the other, the government needs to undertake several actions. First, it should levy some taxes, fees, and fines in silver and others in gold. Furthermore, it should not accept the payment of gold for taxes, fees, and fines levied in silver and vice-versa. Also, it should not fix, either formally or informally, a ratio between gold and silver or even give the appearance of setting such a ratio.

Endnote
1. J.N. Tlaga, “Gold Standard = Fiat in Disguise,” Jan. 19, 2002, http:// www.gold-eagle.com/editorials_02/tlaga011902pv.html, Aug. 8, 2007.

Copyright © 2011 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Tuesday, July 25, 2017

Poor on Stewart

Poor on Stewart
Thomas Allen

    In 1877, Henry Varnum Poor (1812-1905) wrote Money and Its Laws: Embracing a History of Monetary Theories, and a History of the Currency of the United States. He was a financial analyst and founder of a company that evolved into Standard & Poor’s. Poor was a proponent of the real bills doctrine and the classical gold-coin standard and, thus, the quality theory of money. He gave little credence to the quantity theory of money — especially if credit money, such as bank notes, were convertible on demand in species. Also, he contended that the value of money depends on and is derived from the value of the material of which it is made and with paper money, its representation of such value.
    In the latter part of his book, he discusses leading monetary theorists from Aristotle (350 B.C.) to David A. Wells (1875). Most of the economists whom he discussed were proponents of the quantity theory of money. We will look at his discussion on Dugald Stewart. My comments are in brackets. Referenced page numbers enclosed in parentheses are to Poor’s book.
    Dugald Stewart (1753-1828) was a Scottish philosopher and mathematician, who popularizing the Scottish Enlightenment. He was a professor of moral philosophy at the University of Edinburgh. Among his writings are Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (in three volumes, 1792, 1814, and 1827), Outlines of Moral Philosophy (1793), and The Philosophy of the Active and Moral Powers (1828). Poor reviews Stewart’s monetary philosophy as presented in his Lectures on Political Economy.
    Poor writes, “Stewart was an ardent admirer of [Adam] Smith, and assumed to reduce to precise and logical terms what his great master only more generally outlined”  (p. 171). Nevertheless, Stewart objected to Smith’s belief that the value of gold and silver depended largely on “their beauty, utility in the arts, and scarcity; that such qualities, among others still more important, fitted them to serve as money” (p. 171). For Stewart, the intrinsic value of gold and silver in a coin is “merely accidental circumstances.” Stewart asserts, “When gold is converted into coin, its possessor never thinks of any thing but its exchangeable value” (p. 171). If the intrinsic value of gold and silver are annihilated, i.e., their conversion to flatware, jewelry, etc., they could still function as money as they did when they had intrinsic value. Money is merely a ticket or counter. “It is general consent alone which distinguishes them [gold and silver], when employed as money, from any thing else which circulates in a country; from the paper money, for instance, which circulates in Scotland and England.” (p. 172). If a country were isolated from the rest of the world, gold or silver coin as a medium of exchange would have no advantage over paper currency. Also, whether the circulation medium consists of gold or paper would make no difference on the national wealth. Moreover, according to Stewart, whether gold or silver was abundant or scant would not matter. “The only utility which is essential to gold and silver as media of exchange is their peculiar adaptation (divisibility, durability, &c.) to this purpose” (p. 172). [For the most part, fiat money proponents agree with Stewart’s monetary theory.]
    Poor replies that like Smith, Stewart errs in his assumption “that money was an invention, — an arrangement entered into from a sense of its necessity” (p. 172). Stewart also errs in his conclusion “that value is not a necessary attribute of money” (p. 173). [Poor is correct: Money was not an invention. It evolved over time from spontaneous market operations. Only after money came into being did governments get involved.]
    However, Stewart’s idea of money is a logical derivation from Smith’s idea. From the premises laid down by Smith, Stewart concluded that “value is no attribute of money.” Poor remarks, “the real value of money must equal its nominal value, or, in case of symbols, the values of what they represent must equal their nominal value in coin, or value is no attribute of money whatever” (p. 173). [Today’s fiat paper money is based on Stewart’s premise that value is no attribute of money. That is, the quality of money is irrelevant. Force is the only thing behind, or backing, today’s fiat paper money.]
    Stewart states, “We never think when we receive the precious metals as money, of their value in the arts” (p. 173). To which Poor replies, “But were they not first taken, and chiefly, for their value in the arts? and if we do not now consciously go through the same mental process that was gone through when they were first taken, is it not that such consciousness is concealed from us by habit, not that it does not exist” (p. 173)? People practice many things without conscious thought about how such practice came into being. Acting this way “is no proof that the mind is not engaged in one case as in the other” (p. 173). Poor notes:
Stewart, however, wholly misstated the fact that gold and silver are taken without any consciousness of their value in the arts. As a rule, we do not raise the inquiry; we assume from experience that coins are what they purport to be: but let it be noised abroad that debased coins of a particular denomination are in circulation, then every one of the kind, good or bad, will be subjected to the closest scrutiny, and, if taken at all, will only be taken at its value in the arts, measured by the amount of pure metal it contains (pp. 173-174).
    Stewart claims that if all gold and silver mines were exhausted, all the gold and silver in existence would be converted to money. Poor disagrees. First, he doubts the possibility of exhausting of all mines. If gold and silver were to disappear, civilization would disappear with them. However, if all mines were exhausted, Poor doubts that all gold and silver would be converted to money. Poor writes:
As it [gold] gradually disappeared from loss and attrition, commerce and trade, and with these, civilization and wealth, would gradually die out. As these disappeared, gold and silver would gradually flow back into the arts, and almost wholly in time; for, as there would be no trade, money would not be wanted. It is a fact of universal observation, that gold and silver possessed by the savage races are not used as money, but almost wholly in the arts (p. 174).
    To Stewart’s belief that “gold and silver, as a medium of exchange, would possess no value over the most worthless of substances” (p. 175), Poor replies:
This absurdity is repeated by every subsequent writer upon the subject of money. Suppose England to be the world, what then? Would all sense of beauty, of utility or value be lost to its people? Suppose, as Stewart assumes, England isolated, a Yorkshire grazier should take with him to London a lot of beeves; and upon their sale should be offered a leather medal, with curious hieroglyphics stamped upon it, in payment. The seller at first might consider the offer as a good joke; but, on finding the purchaser in earnest, he would believe himself to be dealing with a madman, and would take good care to get his beeves into his possession again, and to rid himself of such a dangerous customer. To be logical, Stewart must assume that, were England isolated from all the world, its people would have a sense of neither use nor beauty; in other words, that they would be lower in the scale than any race or tribe ever yet discovered. If the precious metals have no intrinsic value, then the Scythian was correct in assuming money to be useful only for the purpose of assisting in numeration and arithmetic. It is for this reason that Stewart held their value to be disadvantageous, in complicating thereby the theory of money. If value be not an attribute of money, he was quite right in eliminating from it all idea of such quality (p. 175).
[The fiat paper monetary system that has now taken over the world supports Stewart’s notion of money better than it does Poor’s. However, Poor’s notion is much closer to the truth than Stewart’s. Because of believing Stewart, the world is now on the edge of a monetary crisis the likes of which the world has never before witnessed. Civilization is on the verge of collapsing into an economic abyss from which it may never recover, such as that which happened when the dying Roman civilization collapsed into the Dark Age — only this time the collapse may be worse. Only a return to a commodity monetary standard, such as the gold standard, where money has real value in non-monetary uses and can extinguish debt because it is no one else’s obligation, can save it.]
    Poor asks if Stewart is correct in that money as such has no value, then what harm can come from debasing coins? When a coin is debased, the denomination remains the same. However, the precious metal content of the coin is reduced. [Historically, when precious-metal coins were debased, prices quickly rose to adjust to the precious metal content of the debased coin. Even the death penalty could not deter this price adjustment.] Poor remarks, “If the sole use of money, as asserted by Stewart, be to assist in numeration and arithmetic, then the different denominations of coin have only the force of numerals; and a piece of leather upon which is imprinted the word ‘dollar’ is in its proper essence the same thing as a piece of gold upon which the same word is impressed” (p. 176). He continues,
Hume was more logical and consistent. Agreeing with Stewart that the only value of money, as such, was to assist in numeration and arithmetic, he took the ground that the currency should be debased, as the means of eliminating value from it; naively remarking, that such debasement should be effected in such a sly way that the people should not discover the swindle. Of the two, Hume is to be preferred. The admission that the debasement was a swindle had the merit, at least, of putting the people on their guard (p. 176).
    Stewart writes that money provides a “scale of value” instead of a “standard of value,” which is the term that Smith uses. Thus, Stewart is more accurate than Smith about his concept of money. Poor notes, “It would be a contradiction in terms to call that a standard of value which had no value. A thing may be a scale, without being a standard. A yardstick is a scale for measuring distance or extension, but not the standard of distance or extension” (p. 177).
    Poor asks, “If all value is to be abstracted from money, then of what advantage are the qualities of divisibility and fusibility, in the materials composing it” (p. 177)? These are two of the qualities that Stewart claims make gold useful as money (p. 176). Moreover, Poor continues, “Why not have the denominations which are fitted to express ‘every conceivable variation, of value’ all of the same size and fineness? A bank-note for a thousand dollars has precisely the same size and quality of material as a note for one dollar. The only difference is in their inscriptions” (p. 177).
    Continuing his comment on Stewart’s claim that divisibility and fusibility were qualities that fitted gold and silver for money, Poor writes, “According to Stewart’s theory, the qualities which fit gold and silver for money — divisibility and fusibility — are of the least importance; for pieces of similar size may be made by their inscriptions to express ‘every conceivable variation of value’” (p. 177).
    Stewart claims that a scale of value renders “the ideas of value much more precise and definite than they otherwise would have been” (p. 177). Poor asks, “But how can ideas of relative value be made more precise by comparing them with a scale from which all value is abstracted? How can nothing be made to be the measure of the value of something” (p. 177)? [A great question. As far as I know, no one has satisfactorily explained how something of no value and does not represent something of value can measure value.] Continuing with an example, Poor writes, “A definite idea is conveyed in the statement that a gold dollar measures the value of a bushel of corn; but what idea can be formed of the value of the corn from a statement that its value is that expressed upon a worthless piece of leather or paper” (p. 177)? [With today’s fiat paper money, value is “measured” with worthless pieces of paper. Perhaps trying to measure something with nothing explains, at least in part, the devastating economic crisis looming before the world.]
    Stewart also suggests that “the quantity of money required by a community was in ratio to the rapidity of its circulation” [i.e., the velocity of money or the velocity of circulation] (p. 178). [The concept of the velocity of money is an important component of the quantity theory of money.] To which Poor replies, “This suggestion, which naturally resulted from the assumption that money is not capital, but a scale of valuation, or an aid in enumeration and arithmetic, has become an axiom among all modern Economists” (p. 178). [Today, nearly all economists continue to agree with Stewart on this issue.] Commenting on the event that Stewart used to deduce his conclusion on the rapidity of circulation, Poor writes:
The result of these transactions was, that in the course of seven weeks the garrison had been paid 49,000 florins, the sutlers had sold supplies to the amount of 49,000 florins, and the commandant or government owed them 49,000 florins: so that in the end the latter had converted their supplies into money, and had in hand 7,000 florins, and a debt against the government or commandant for 49,000 florins. From all this Stewart deduces a law, — that the amount of currency required is in ratio to its activity. Suppose the garrison had required a certain amount of forage lying twenty miles off; and that, having but one horse, ten days were required for its transportation. With ten horses, the same work might have been done in a single day. Would Stewart from this fact have attempted to prove that one horse could do the work of ten? We wonder he did not fortify his argument by the following syllogism: ‘ten horses can do so much work in one day; one horse can do the same work in ten days; therefore one horse can do the work of ten horses (p. 179).
    Stewart states “that the quantity of money and notes in circulation must bear but a small proportion to the value of the goods to be bought and sold, and that this proportion must vary according to the quickness with which the money circulates or shifts from one hand to another” (p. 179). To this claim, Poor replies, “If the proportion of money to the goods to be bought and sold be small, then the amount of goods bought and sold will be small. Stewart has only shown that, with a small amount of money, seven weeks were required to effect exchanges which might, with an adequate amount, have been made in one” (p. 179).
    Continuing his comments on the rapidity of the circulation of money, Poor writes:
If money be capital, or the representative of capital, and if when it is exchanged it is exchanged for other kinds of capital, then there can be no greater activity in money than in other kinds of capital; and there can be no relation whatever between its activity and quantity. There would be just as much sense in saying that the quantity of wheat necessary for the consumption of a community was in ratio to the rapidity of its movement: that is, if the rapidity of its motion be made twice as great, one-half the ordinary quantity will suffice. . . . [Stewart] overlooked the fact, that, when money was used as the measure of value or the scale of valuation, the thing, the scale itself, passed from the party using it to the party whose goods had been purchased and measured by it. . . . With Stewart . . . money is an entity, possessed of volition and will, flying about the country eager to do some good deed; an active and lively piece doing twice the work of a dull, phlegmatic one. But money cannot move unless something else moves, no matter how eager it may be for work. Its eagerness must find its complement in some other kind of property; so that if volition, will, and activity be predicated of one, volition, will, and activity must be predicated of the other. Money has no attribute of activity different from that possessed by all other kinds of merchandise. The use of one involves the use of the other; the employment of one involves the employment of the other (pp. 180-181).
    Poor concludes his review of Stewart with this comment:
One of the great evils resulting from the reputation of such a man as Dugald Stewart is, that every word that he uttered, which was recorded by himself or by others, is carefully gathered up and put into his ‘works.’ In the case of Stewart, these are swelled to eleven ponderous volumes, full of propositions of the correctness of not one of which the reader can have the least assurance. Had his ‘literary executor,’ instead of carefully raking up, burned three quarters of all he left, he would have rid the world of a vast mass of rubbish, and the painstaking student of a great deal of the most irksome toil. It may be set down as a maxim, that a person who assumes to write authoritatively upon every subject will write well upon none. Life is not long enough for one man to know every thing, or to construct an universal science (p. 182).

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.


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Friday, July 7, 2017

Why Silver Fell in the 1870s and Gold Rose in the 1970s

Why Silver Fell in the 1870s and Gold Rose in the 1970s
Thomas Allen

    During the 1960s when the market price of gold began to rise above the official redemption rate of $35 per ounce of gold, economists and others began discussing the likelihood of the dollar no longer being redeemed in gold. When this event occurred, most expected the dollar price of gold to drop because the demand for gold as money would cease. Most expected a decline in the value in gold when redemption ended because of a decrease in demand.
    A similar discussion occurred in the late 1800s as the free coinage of silver ended and most of the world moved to the monometallic gold standard. Most argued that silver declined in value because of the demand for silver as money ceased except in subsidiary coins and its supply continued to rise. However, in 1971 when redemption in gold ceased, gold acted oppositely. Instead of falling in value, gold rose. Why?
    Several explanations have been offered to explain the decline of silver’s value (priced in gold). These explanations are mostly variations of the Quantity Theory of Money.
    Friedman and Schwartz assert that supply of and demand for silver explains its decline, “The reasons for the price decline seem fairly clear: on the supply side, rich new mines were opened in the American West, and there was a world wide increase in productivity; on the demand side, a number of European countries shifted from a silver or bimetallic to a gold standard and sharply reduced their monetary use of silver.”[1]
    The monometallists, advocates of the single gold standard of this era, claim that the increase in the supply of silver caused its fall in value. However, the fall in value began before the world’s silver stock had greatly increased. Moreover, gold production was relatively much greater than that of silver. To which the monometallists reply that the fall resulted from an anticipation of an increase in supply.
    Even today, the supply argument seems weak. In recent years (decades), the increase in the supply of gold has been relatively greater than that of silver. During this time, the demand for silver seems to have been much higher as its usages have been higher. Yet the value of silver generally lags that of gold.
    Laughlin opines that the abundance of gold caused silver to lose value relative to gold.[2] With the discovery of gold in America, enough gold came available to supplant silver coins. People preferred gold to silver because it had more value per unit weight. As the demand for gold grew, so did its value. As the demand for silver fell, so did its value. Moreover, the supply of silver began increasing after 1872. (Laughlin incorporates quality with his explanation: Gold has a higher value, purchasing power, per unit of weight, which contributes to its quality as money.)
    The bimetallists, advocates of the silver-gold system with a legally fixed exchange rate or ratio between the two, claim that “demonetization” caused silver’s fall in value. They point to Germany ending the free coinage of silver in 1871, which glutted the market with silver. This action forced France and the other members of the Latin Union to abandon the silver standard, i.e., to end the free coinage of silver. The United States ended the free coinage of silver in 1873. During the 1870s, other European countries ended their silver standards or bimetallic silver-gold systems and adopted the monometallic gold standard. To the bimetallists, ending the free coinage of silver and by that discontinuing the use of silver as standard money caused its decline in value.
    One result in discarding the silver standard was an increase in demand for gold coins. This increase demand for gold coins would account for some of the decline in the value of silver in terms of gold. Not only were countries replacing the silver standard with the gold standard, they were also replacing fiat paper monetary standards with the gold standards.
    The abandonment of the silver standard around the world reduced the demand for silver. As countries moved onto the gold standard, the demand for gold increased. Thus, the value of silver was pushed down and that of gold was pushed up.
    Although silver ceased to be used as standard money in most countries (China and some Latin American countries being notable exceptions), it was still used in subsidiary coins in most countries and as fiat money in the United States. If merely ending the use of silver as standard money caused its fall in value, why did gold soar in value (in terms of standard fiat currencies) when its last legal connection to money was severed in 1971? Although the Quantity Theory of Money offers a reasonable explanation of silver’s fall in value, it fails to explain gold’s rise in value. Whatever explanation used to explain silver decline in value after 1873 needs to be able to explain golds rise in value after 1971.
    Rist offers this explanation for the decline of silver’s value and the rise of gold’s value when they ceased being standard money. (In the United States, silver ceased being standard money when the free coinage of silver ended in 1873. Gold ceased being standard money when the United States stopped converting the dollar to gold under the gold exchange standard, the Bretton Woods system.) When the free coinage of silver ended, people replaced silver with gold. Gold adequately performed all the basic functions of money. Silver was not needed to perform any of these functions. Therefore, the monetary demand for silver declined. As demand fell, so did its value. When gold redemption ended, people replaced gold with irredeemable paper money. Irredeemable paper money does not perform all the basic functions of money. As it nearly always depreciates, it fails as a store of value. Gold continued to perform a monetary function as a store of value. Therefore, a monetary demand for gold remained after its redemption ended. Thus, when gold replaced silver, it fulfilled all silver’s monetary functions. When irredeemable paper money replaced gold, it failed to fulfill all gold’s monetary functions.[3]
    Thus, the Quality Theory of Money is needed to explain gold’s rise in price in terms of irredeemable paper money. Being low quality money, irredeemable paper money cannot store value over time. Being high quality money, gold stores value over time. Consequently, gold rose in price after its formal use as money ended because people still demanded a form of money that stored value.
    As shown above, the Quantity Theory of Money can explain the fall of silver’s value after 1873, but it fails to explain the rise of gold’s value after 1971. The Quality Theory of Money is needed to explain gold’s rise in value. It can explain both silver’s fall in value and gold’s rise in value.

Endnotes
1.  Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz, A Monetary History of the Untied States, 1867-1960 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 114.

2.  J. Laurence Laughlin, The Elements of Political Economy (New York, New York: American Book Co., 1887), p. 311.

3.  Charles Rist, The Triumph of Gold, trans. Philip Cortney (New York, N.Y.: Philosophical Library, 1961, pp. 122-124, 151-153.

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Tuesday, February 28, 2017

Gold Is Sterile

Gold Is Sterile
Thomas Allen

    Some opponents of the gold standard claim that gold is a sterile commodity with little real value. Gold as money is barren, unproductive, and offers a “yield of nil.” Unlike land, it produces nothing. Thus, it is highly undesirable — that is, it is undesirable in the hands of the people. It is so undesirable in the hands of the people; the U.S. government, like all communist and most other authoritarian governments, denied private ownership of gold between 1933 and 1974. It like other despotic governments tried to monopolize every ounce of gold.
    Monopolistic ownership of gold gives a government and its banking collaborators in crime unchecked power to manipulate the money and the people. Such control is what fiat money advocates want, except many would cut the bankers out of their criminal deal. Under a gold-coin standard with unrestricted ownership and usage of gold, the people own and control the money.
    Many of these opponents of gold ignore gold’s important industrial uses, such as its use in electronic devices and jewelry. Gold’s nonmonetary uses and its use as a store of value in part gives gold its monetary value. Its use as money also imparts value to gold.
    Under the gold standard, gold can offer a yield. Gold bonds pay interest in gold just as fiat-money bonds pay interest in fiat money.
    Gold is not sterile because it renders a service to the holder. If it did not, no one would exchange any nonmoney good or service for it. About the sterility or unproductivity of gold as money, Hutt writes, “The essences of all these services [of money] is availability. . . . [M]oney assets are not unemployed or resting when they are in our pockets, or in our tills, or in our banking accounts, but in pseudo-idleness, like a piano when it is not being played, or a fireman or a fire engine when there are no fires.”[1]
    Money, whether in the form of gold, silver, or fiat currency, is never idle in the economic sense. Whether being spent or saved, it is always performing a monetary service. Hoarded money merely serves a different purpose than circulating money.

Endnote
1. William Harold Hutt, Individual Freedom: Selected Works of William H. Hutt, editors Svetozar Pejovich and David Klingaman (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1975), pp.207-209.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Monday, February 20, 2017

The Best and Worst Presidents

The Best and Worst Presidents
Thomas Allen

Below are my lists of the ten worst presidents beginning with the worst and the ten best presidents ending with the best. Along with the name of the president, his party, years of his term, and a brief reason for inclusion on the list are given.
The hardest part about compiling these lists was deciding whom to leave off the worst list and whom to include on the best list. These lists are not partisan. Five Republicans and five Democrats are identified as the worst presidents. One Federalist, two Democratic-Republicans, two Whigs, three Republicans, and two Democrats are named as the best presidents.
The presidents named in the list of the worst presidents not only ignored their oath of office, but they also grossly violated it. However, the presidents in the list of the best presidents strove to keep their oath of office to defend the Constitution.
With this revision, Jackson has been removed from the list of best presidents and Cleveland has been added to the list of best president. The ranking of the best presidents has been reordered. Revisions have been made to Lincoln, Roosevelt, Johnson, Wilson, Bush, Nixon, Obama, Jefferson, Tyler, Washington, Coolidge, and Monroe.

The Worst Presidents
1. Abraham Lincoln, Republican, 1861-1865: destroyed the Constitution; caused the death of more than 600,000 men to impose his protective tariff; gave the country legal-tender paper fiat money; established the imperial presidency; gave the United States their (“its” in his mind) first conscription law; committed treason according to the Constitution when he levied war against States that he calmed never left the union; suppressed opposing opinions even with imprisonment without trial.

2. Franklin Roosevelt, Democrat, 1933-1945: brought fascism to the United States; ruled like dictator; virtually destroyed the family farm with his regulations; stole the people’s gold (real money); lied the United States into World War II; placed the United States economy on a wartime footing from which they have never left; recognized the Soviet Union and thus aided Stalin in his tyranny and butchery and gave Eastern Europe (really Central Europe) to the communists; laid the framework for the United Nation and the globalist foreign policy that followed.

3. Lyndon Johnson, Democrat, 1963-1969: brought the Civil Rights Act, war on poverty, the welfare state, an immigration law that favored non-Whites while discriminating against Whites, and other programs to enslave Blacks and to bring down Whites; enacted the Gun Control Act of 1968; reduced the States to mere provinces of the federal government; lied the United States into an expanded war in Vietnam; probably the meanest president ever and a co-conspirator in the assassination of Kennedy.

4. Woodrow Wilson, Democrat, 1913-1921: brought the interventionist foreign policy to the United States and thus globalism to America, the federal reserve system, direct election of senators (17th Amendment), the income tax (16th Amendment), and draconian laws that destroyed free speech and other liberties in the name of national security; lied the United States into World War I; dictatorially controlled the United States economy and nationalized the railroads and radio broadcasting to control information; established the regulatory state where regulatory agencies enacted rules (legislative), enforced their rules (executive), and decided if their rules had been violated (judicial).

5. George W. Bush, Republican, 2001-2009: allowed 9-11 to happen, established the Department of Homeland Security, with his war on terrorism brought the police state to the United States and sweeping spying on the American people; lied the United States into a war with Iraq; bailed out the big banks; gave the American people Agenda 21 by which they will lose all control of their property.

6. Richard Nixon, Republican, 1969-1974: ended the last connection that the dollar had with gold; recognized communist China and, by that, began China’s growth into a major world power; extended the Vietnam War for political purposes and abandoned American-Vietnam-War prisoners of war in Laos, adopted guaranteed income; imposed wage and price controls; created the EPA and OSHA; enforced force busing, ushered in affirmative action and racial quotas.

7. Barack H. Obama, Democrat, 2009-2017: destroyed what little the previous presidents had left of the United States, thus fundamentally transforming the United States; according to the Council on Foreign Relations, his was the “most multilaterally-inclined US administration in history;” made appointments without the advise and consent of the Senate.

8. William McKinley, Republican, 1897-1901: lied the country into war with Spain and made the United States an imperialistic country with the Spanish-American War and thus overthrew the tradition of the American foreign policy of nonintervention.

9. Ulysses S. Grant, Republican, 1869-1877: resided over most of Reconstruction with one of the most corrupt governments the country has ever had; brought the Long Depression, 1873-1879, which by some measures was worse than the Great Depression; accepted Sherman’s genocide of the plains Indians; ended the free coinage of silver, i.e., the Crime of ’73 (he claimed that he did so unknowingly, but he did not try to correct the problem once he became aware of it — a problem that was never corrected).

10. Jimmy Carter, Democrat, 1977-1981: probably the most incompetent president ever, admitted before he was elected that his presidency would be a failure (he said that if any Trilateralists were found in his administration that it would be a failure; then he proceeded to fill his administration with Trilateralists); established the Departments of Education and Energy.

The Best Presidents
10. James Monroe, Democratic-Republican, 1817-1825: was the last one standing after all the others were eliminated; generally followed Jefferson’s philosophy of government.

9.  John F. Kennedy, Democrat, 1961-1963: must have had something going for him since the CIA, FBI, the military-industrial complex, Lyndon Johnson, the Texas oil men, the Israelis, French, South Vietnam (Diem regime), Cubans (Castro), Russians, and others wanted him dead.

8. Warren G. Harding, Republican, 1921-1923: said no to the bankers when they wanted him to intervene to assuage the Depression of 1920-21, which was more intense than the Great Depression, for them; unlike the presidents who followed Franklin Roosevelt, he took the country off a wartime footing; eschewed the imperial pretensions of Woodrow Wilson; launched a disarmament movement that resulted in reducing the world’s navies and the Kellogg-Briand treaty to outlaw war.

7. Rutherford B. Hayes, Republican, 1877-1881: ended Reconstruction, though it was a political deal to give him the presidency at least he kept his word; ushered in returning to the gold standard (although the law to do so was enacted during the Grant administration).

6. Calvin Coolidge, Republican, 1923-1929: proponent of limited government,  protected the balance between the federal and State government, last president who truly favored States’ rights; pushed to reduce or eliminate the war taxes and unconstitutional regulations enacted during the Wilson administration; opposed farm subsidies because they were unconstitutional and would destroy the farmer’s independence and would increase supply while decreasing consumption; supported permanent peace and therefore opposed foreign adventurism and entangling alliances and thus opposed entering the League of Nations and refused to join the world court; the last president who tried to save the country; the last president to believe the Constitution as ratified.

5. George Washington, Federalist, 1789-1797: a republican at heart; could have been king but chose not to; set a policy of not entering into any entangling alliances; avoided getting involved in the war between Great Britain and France; thought that the veto should be reserved only for unconstitutional enactments.

4. Grover Cleveland, Democrat, 1885-1889 and 1893-1897: the last Jeffersonian president; attempted to return the country to constitutional government, vetoed more unconstitutional laws than any other president, took his oath of office seriously; supported limited government, frugal government, sound money, honest and responsible public servants, limited corporate privileges; opposed the federal government usurping powers reserved by the States or the people, handouts to special interests, the annexation of Hawaii against the will of the Hawaiian people; appointed Confederate veterans to his administration; refused to intervene to support the banks and big businesses that suffered from the Panic of 1893

3. John Tyler, Whig, 1841-1845: Abandon the Whig’s government-business partnership philosophy and adopted a strong states’ right philosophy (he became the president without a party); adhered to the Constitution better than any other president (no other president took his oath of office as seriously as he) and, therefore, some consider him to be the best president ever; supported secession; vetoed unconstitutional bills for a central bank, internal improvements, and protective tariffs (all of which were Whiggish programs); opposed patronage, i.e., the spoils system; presided over the annexation of Texas.

2. Thomas Jefferson, Democratic-Republican, 1801-1809: perhaps had the most frugal government of all presidents; perhaps came closer to obeying his oath of office than any other president (at least during his first term); believed in executive restraint, rejected the notion that the president should be involved in legislation (the president job is limited to making recommendations, Congress and not the president should the primary body for setting policy); opposed the Supreme Court usurping the authority to declare a law unconstitutional; opposed centralized banking.

1. William Henry Harrison, Whig, 1841: was not in office long enough to do any damage.

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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