King on Black Power – Part 2

King on Black Power – Part 2

Thomas Allen

According to King, Black Power has many positive aspects compatible with the civil rights movement. However, he believes that its negative value prevents “it from having the substance and program to become the basic strategy for the civil rights movement in the days ahead.” (P. 45.) Further, “Black Power is a nihilistic philosophy born out of the conviction that the Negro can’t win. It is, at bottom, the view that American society is so hopelessly corrupt and enmeshed in evil that there is no possibility of salvation from within.” (P. 45.) (Regardless of Black Power, the Negro did win. Yet, now, many Negroes still believe, and many Whites agree, that American society is hopelessly corrupt and enmeshed in the evil of racism, whatever that means, and White supremacy, even though that died decades ago.)

After commenting on the hostile reaction that he received from the Black Power folks in Chicago, King concluded that they had lost patience because all the benefits that the civil rights movement promised had not come to fruition. (Within a decade, they not only received the benefits that King promised and advocated, but they also received much more. Now, they can even become doctors, engineers, executives of major corporations, high-ranking government bureaucrats, etc. with their race being their primary qualification and often their only qualification. One of the few high-paying occupations that they have earned by merits instead of race is athletics.)

King criticizes the Black Power movement because “it rejects the one thing that keeps the fire of revolutions burning: the ever-present flame of hope.  . . . The Negro cannot entrust his destiny to a philosophy nourished solely on despair, to a slogan that they cannot implement into a program.” (P. 47.) 

Next, King comments on the Negro’s disappointments and frustrations. (The Negro may have been disappointed in King’s day. However, today, he should have none, for he has far more privileges and benefits than King ever demanded. Yet, the Negro is still not satisfied and demands more — even the genocide of the White race. His insatiable greed and the kowtowing of Whites keep him from ever being satisfied.)

Continuing, King writes, “We Negroes, who have dreamed for so long of freedom, are still confined in a prison of segregation and discrimination.” (P. 47.).  (Whatever discrimination that Negroes face today is the result of merit and not of race, which is why Negroes want advancements and rewards to be based on race. Today, the White race is the only race discriminated against. If Negroes are still not free, it is because their demands have destroyed freedom for everyone.)

Comparing Black Power to Garvey’s Back to Africa movement, King writes, “The Black Power movement of today, like the Garvey ‘Back to Africa’ movement of the 1920s, represents a dashing of hope, a conviction of the inability of the Negro to win and a belief in the infinitude of the ghetto.” (Pp. 48-49.) (Although the Negro won, his connate traits still keep many in the infinitude of the ghetto. However, refusing to accept responsibility for his failure to escape the ghetto mentality, the Negro still blames nonexistent White supremacy. Moreover, if Garvey had succeeded, most of the race problems of the United States would not exist.)

King remarks, “Black Power is an implicit and often explicit belief in black separatism.” (P. 49.) King adamantly opposed Black separation. He preferred a society where all races are amalgamated and homogenized into indistinguishable mongrels. Such amalgamation is the objective of the oligarchs. Moreover, Black separation preserves the Negro and his uniqueness, which the policies that King promoted destroy. While King expressed a desire for Negro unity and Black identity, his integrationist policies destroy instead of preserving them. Moreover,  under Black separation, Negroes would govern themselves.)

Further, King declares, “that effective political power for Negroes cannot come through separatism.” (P. 49.) (So, Negroes governing themselves do not give them effective political power. Apparently, King thought that Negroes needed to integrate with Whites to govern themselves effectively. Thus, King implies that Negroes cannot effectively govern themselves without the assistance of Whites.)

Some Black Power adherents and King thought small — gaining control of and governing counties and cities. King’s small thinking is one reason that he opposed Black Power — controlling a few counties would give the Negro little influence in State politics. Instead, he preferred focusing on getting Negroes elected to Congress (where they could push the federal government to bully the States into surrendering unconditionally to King. If King had thought big, he would have advocated Negroes having an independent country ruled by Negroes.) While many Black Power adherents wanted the Negro to be independent of Whites, King did not.

Continuing, King writes that “the Negroes’ problem cannot be solved unless the whole of American society takes a new turn toward greater economic justice.” (P. 51.) The federal government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars to create new jobs, low-cost housing, quality integrated education, etc. for the benefit of the Negro. Also, State and local governments have spent many billions of dollars more for the benefit of the Negro. (Thus, for King, the solution to the Negro’s problem is looting Whites for the benefit of Negroes.)

In condemning Black Power, King remarks that “the weakness of Black Power is its failure to see that the black man needs the white man and the white man needs the black man.” (P. 54.) (Whites are not dependent on Negroes. However, if Negroes want to live in a technologically advanced society, they are dependent on Whites.)

King declares, “Negroes should never want all power because they would deprive others of their freedom.” (P. 55.) (Negroes have not gained all power — White oligarchs prevent that — but in alliance with progressive Whites, they have deprived Whites of their freedom. For example, no White can refuse to hire or serve a Negro because of his race, which makes him a slave of the Negro.)

Continuing his attack against Black Power, King asserts, “Probably the most destructive feature of Black Power is its unconscious and often conscious call for retaliatory violence.” (P. 56.) Nevertheless, King admitted many people in the Black Power movement were not advocates of violence. Yet, others believed that only violence would bring liberation.

Another reason that King opposed the violence of Black Power was that it would not work. (However, over time, riots and the threats of riots earned more booty for Negroes that did peaceful demonstrations.)

King notes that “power and morality must go together, implementing, fulfilling and ennobling each other.” (P. 61.) (Unfortunately, he errs. With rare exception, those who wield political power lack morality.)

About segregation, King writes, “Racial segregation is buttressed by such irrational fears as loss of preferred economic privilege, altered social status, intermarriage and adjustment to new situations.” (P. 61.) (Irrational or not, these fears have come to pass. Not only have Whites lost economic privileges, but they have also lost economic neutrality. Whites have to give Negroes preferential treatment in hiring [affirmative action and quotas]. Interracial marriages have soared since the late 1960s. No longer can Whites have any kind of public social activity without allowing Negroes to participate.) According to King, Whites should free themselves of these fears (and surrender unconditionally and genocide themselves along with genociding the Negro via integration and the resulting miscegenation. Of course, this genocide would be in the name of love.)

King states that the Negro will not “be totally liberated from the crushing weight of poor education, squalid housing and economic strangulation until he is integrated, with power, into every level of American life.” (P. 64.) (Now, Negroes are so thoroughly integrated that many of them desire segregation. Moreover, Negroes have more power, especially political power, than Whites except for the White oligarchs. Yet, integration and power have not liberated many of them from poor education, squalid housing, and economic strangulation. Although the welfare state has alleviated much of his economic strangulation, he still lags behind Whites educationally even as academic standards have been lowered to his level. His poor education is the result of his innate genetic lack of intelligence and intellectual capabilities. Again, King preaches the wrong solution to the Negro’s problems.)

Another flaw that King sees in ”the Black Power movement is that it talks unceasingly about not imitating the values of white society, but in advocating violence it is imitating the worst, the most brutal and the most uncivilized value of American life.” (P. 66.) Also, he condemned Negroes perpetrating violence against other Negroes.

King blames the Negro’s desperation for the rise of Black Power. If it were not for White supremacy and segregation, the Black Power movement would never have happened.

A major reason that King rejected the Black Power movement was that it competed with his Freedom Now movement and diverted resources and people from King’s movement. Moreover, in some respects, the Black Power movement accomplished more for Negroes than did King’s Freedom Now movement. Unlike King’s integration movement, which ultimately leads to the genocide of the American Negro, the Black Power separation movement seeks to preserve the American Negro.

Carmichael had a higher opinion of the common Negro than did King. While Carmichael believed that Negroes could advance independently of Whites, King believed that Negroes were dependent on Whites for their advancement. While history shows that the Jim Crow Era proved Carmichael right, the history of the Civil Rights Era has proven King right.

For King and most other Negroes, the Negro has no responsibility for his problems — either in causing them or in solving them. Whites, especially Southerners, are the cause of all the Negro’s problems. Therefore, Whites should solve the Negro’s problem by giving Negroes special privileges and benefits and all their wealth; in short, Whites need to enslave themselves to the Negro until their genocide is completed.

Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Allen.

Part 1.

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King on Black Power – Part 1

King on Black Power – Part 1

Thomas Allen

In “Black Power,” Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), pages 23–70, Martin Luther King, Jr., discusses the rise of Black Power, its flaws, and his objections to it. The following is a critical review of King’s essay.

(First, I must remind the reader that most conservatives and nearly all conservative commentators consider King a conservative. Furthermore, many conservative commentators assert that King is an archconservative and the greatest conservative ever. Some have even deified him. Hereafter, all these conservatives are referred to as King-idolizing conservatives. Since King is an archconservative, these King-idolizing conservatives should advocate everything that King advocated.)

King begins his essay by discussing the shooting of James Meredith, which occurred in June 1966 and some events that followed. Meredith’s wounds prevented him from continuing his march in Mississippi. So, King, who represented the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Stokely Carmichael, who represented the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and Floyd  McKissich, who represented the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE), continued Meredith’s march. (For more about, Carmichael, McKissich, SCLC, SNCC, and CORE, see “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.)

Then, King describes the events leading to the resumption of the Meredith Mississippi Freedom March. He discovered that many young Negroes in the troop had become more openly militant. Unfulfilled promises had caused this militant anti-White attitude. Although King wanted to continue his “nonviolent” way, members of CORE and SNCC want to be more militant.

King opposed being openly violent because they “had neither the resources nor the techniques to win.” (P. 27.) To trick and provoke Whites into attacking “peaceful,” unarmed protestors was King’s tactic. 

Carmichael of SNCC opposed Whites joining the march. King’s speculated that  Carmichael’s opposition came from his experience in 1964 in Mississippi when Northerners flooded into Mississippi to work with and instruct Negroes, and the parental attitude of these Northerners made Negroes feel even more inadequate. (Many Northerners, especially Yankees, still believe that Negroes are incapable of taking care of themselves and of advancing without the succor of Whites.) However, King wanted the march to be interracial, and he persuaded Carmichael and McKissich to agree with his (King’s) conditions for the march: nonviolent and interracial. (Unlike Carmichael and McKissich, King appeared to have no qualms about genociding the American Negro via breeding them out of existence with interracial mating, which is a natural result of racial integration.)

During that march, “the birth of the Black Power slogan [entered] in the civil rights movement” (pp. 29-30) although the phrase had been used earlier. However, King  “had the deep feeling that it was an unfortunate choice of words for a slogan.” (P. 30.)

A schism began to occur between the Black Power folks led by Carmichael and the Freedom Now faction led by King. King argued, “The words ‘black’ and ‘power’ together give the impression that we are talking about black domination rather than black equality.” (P. 32.) (Eventually, the Negro not only achieved equality, but the White oligarchs gave the Negro domination over all Whites but themselves. Now, Negroes have far more privileges than Whites ever had at the pinnacle of White supremacy or Jim Crow. Moreover, White oligarchs have enslaved common Whites to support a vast number of Negroes through the welfare state, affirmative action, quotas, etc.) In the end, the Black Power folks and the Freedom Now folks segregated and separated from each other. (So much for these hypocrites adhering to integration.)

Next, King explains that “it is necessary to understand that Black Power is a cry of disappointment. . . . It was born from the wounds of despair and disappointment.” (P. 33.) (Negroes may have been disappointed then, but now they have more than most ever dreamed of having as Whites cower before them.) 

King writes, “For centuries the Negro has been caught in the tentacles of white power. Many Negroes have given up faith in the white majority because ‘white power’ with total control has left them empty-handed. So in reality the call for Black Power is a reaction to the failure of white power.” (P. 32). (Now, Whites are caught in the tentacles of Black Power. Evidence is Whites debasing themselves before Black Lives Matter as though such debasement would ever earn them the respect or admiration of Negroes. Instead, it has earned them the Negro’s disgust and disrespect. Not only did this debasement earn the disgust and disrespect of all self-respecting Negroes, but it also earned the disgust and disrespect of all self-respecting Whites.)

Continuing, King comments on the number of Negro and White civil rights workers killed in Mississippi and the number of churches bombed or burned. He notes, “This is white power in its most brutal, cold-blooded and vicious form.” (P. 34.) (With numerous riots since the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and their vast destruction of property and many resulting deaths, Black Power has far exceeded White power in its most brutal, cold-blooded, and vicious form. When the brutal viciousness that Negro criminals perpetrate against Whites is included, Black Power makes King’s description of White power look benevolent.)

Much of the blame for the rise of Black Power, King places on the federal government. The federal government failed to become despotic enough quick enough to ram all the demands of the Negroes “down the throats” of Whites — especially Southerners. (Within a decade, the federal government had become despotic enough to force Whites to surrender unconditionally to the demands of the Negro. Over the decades, this despotism has grown until now White oligarchs are giving Negroes privileges and benefits that they never dreamed possible or even thought about.)

Not only does King condemn the South, but he also condemns the North.  “In the Northern ghettos, unemployment, housing discrimination and slum schools mock the Negro who tries to hope. . . . The gap between the wages of the Negro worker and those of the white worker has widened. Slums are worse and Negroes attend more thoroughly segregated schools today than in 1954.” (Pp. 35-36.) (For most Northerners, civil rights and special privileges and benefits for Negroes were only supposed to apply in the South. They were not supposed to apply in the North. If Northerners had known that they were going to be suffocated and devoured in the tentacles of the civil rights movement that they wished on the South, the civil rights movement would have died before it began.)

According to King, the Vietnam War was a major cause of the rise of Black Power and Negroes becoming more violent. Also, Negroes had become disappointed “with timid white moderates who feel that they can set the timetable for the Negro’s freedom.” (P. 36.) They had become disappointed “with a federal administration that seems to be more concerned about winning an ill-considered war in Vietnam than about winning the war against poverty here at home.” (P. 36.) Thus, King wanted resources wasted on the Vietnam War to be allocated to the War on Poverty. (Consequently, King-idolizing conservatives should be ardent supporters of the welfare state and should demand that resources spent on foreign wars promoting American hegemony be spent on the War on Poverty.)

Moreover, King condemns both Whites and Negro clergymen who fail to support the civil rights movement with sufficient alacrity. Their apathy was a cause of the rise of Black Power. The Negro middle class also suffered his wrath. 

About Black Power, King writes that “in its broad and positive meaning, [Black Power] is a call to black people to amass the political and economic strength to achieve their legitimate goals.”(P. 37) (White oligarchs would give the Negro enough political and economic power to achieve their goals, legitimate or otherwise.) King laments about the Negro’s lack of power. (Now, the Negro has power that probably exceeded what King imagined possible.)

Continuing, King writes, “The problem of transforming the ghetto is, therefore, a problem of power.” (P. 37.) (Negroes have gained control of the governments of many major cities. Not only have ghettos not vanished under Black Power, but they have often grown worse — even with the influx of enormous amounts of federal money.) King expresses a great deal of lust for power and associates power with love. 

Then, King writes that “the ultimate answer to the Negroes’ economic dilemma will be found in a massive federal program for all the poor.” (P. 39) (Eventually, King’s demand for massive federal expenditures on poverty came to fruition, yet poverty remains. [Too many people are getting rich from poverty for it to be eliminated.] Moreover, since King was a fervent supporter of the welfare state and the War on Poverty, all King-idolizing conservatives should also be zealous supporters of them.)

King urged Negroes to combine their resources and to develop habits of thrift and techniques of wise investment. (Unfortunately, most Negroes ignored his advice.)

“Black Power is a psychological call to manhood. For years the Negro has been taught that he is nobody, that his color is a sign of his biological depravity, that his being has been stamped with an indelible imprint of inferiority, that his whole history has been soiled with the filth of worthlessness.” (P. 39.) (For the most part, Negroes have overcome these psychological problems. White oligarchs and Negroes teach Whites that they are worthless oppressors and are not worthy of respect and are inferior to the Negro. However, as crime statistics show, the Negro has failed to overcome his biological depravity, which is in his genes.)

Summarizing his discussion of the impact of slavery on Negroes, King writes, “Here, then, was the way to produce a perfect slave. Accustom him to rigid discipline, demand from him unconditional submission, impress upon him a sense of his innate inferiority, develop in him a paralyzing fear of white men, train him to adopt the master’s code of good behavior, and instill in him a sense of complete dependence.” (P. 40.) (In many respects, Negroes have vanquished the effects of slavery. They are not subject to discipline or submission. [Whites are expected to submit to Negroes.] They no longer fear Whites, but Whites fear them. Most Negroes have abandoned the code of good behavior. However, most Negroes still have a sense of complete dependence. They depended on the welfare state and the special privileges and benefits that the oligarchs have given them.) Then, King writes, “Black Power is a psychological reaction to the psychological indoctrination that led to the creation of the perfect slave.”

King asserts that the Negro “must no longer be ashamed of being black.” (P. 42) (Although Negroes are no longer ashamed of being black, many Whites are ashamed of being White. Further, realizing the benefits and privileges that Negroes have but are denied Whites, a growing number of Whites are claiming to be Negroes.)

Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Allen.

Part 2

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Two Great Black Leaders

Two Great Black Leaders

Thomas Allen

Antony Johnson and Stokely Carmichael are two great Black leaders who are seldom discussed, even during Black history month. Yet, both have made great contributions to America and American history. Johnson has the honor of being the man who introduced African slavery in what is now the United States. Thus, he gave Blacks a perpetual excuse for all their shortcomings and failures: slavery. Also, Blacks found that slavery was an excellent tool to use to get Whites to grant Blacks Black power and supremacy. To Carmichael goes the honor of leading his people out of the darkness of White power and supremacy into the light of Black power and supremacy. Because of his labor, America now enjoys Black power and supremacy.

Anthony Johnson
Anthony Johnson was a most remarkable Black man, who may hold the record for the most firsts in Virginia. Yet, most likely, one may never hear about this extraordinary man.

Johnson was among the first group of Blacks to land in Virginia, and he may have been the first Black man to set foot on Virginia soil. He was the first free Black in Virginia. (When the first Blacks landed in Virginia, they were treated like indentured servants from Europe. Once they had worked for another for a specific number of years to pay for their passage, they were set free.) Also, he was the first Black landowner and established the first Black community.

Here is the reason that one never hears about Johnson: He was the father of slavery in Virginia and the first slave owner in Virginia. He became a slave owner when he refused to release one of his Black indentured servants, Jim Casor, after he had served the term of his contract. Johnson convinced the court that he was entitled to the lifetime service of Casor. Thus, Johnson brought slavery to Virginia.

(Johnson achieved his court ruling making Casor a slave in 1655, and Virginia enacted its first law to legalize slavery in 1661. However, Massachusetts led both Johnson and Virginia in legalizing slavery when it enacted its slavery law in 1641.)

Stokely Carmichael
Stokely Carmichael is one of the greatest Black leaders ever and should be heralded above even St. Martin Luther King the Divine, who has been elevated above Jesus. He saw an enormous opportunity, and he took advantage of it. Even today, the United States are enjoying the fruits of his labor and will continue to enjoy his work for decades to come. After seeing how the United States surrendered unconditionally to King and his Communist comrades, Carmichael recognized a void that needed filling — and fill it he did.

By 1967, most Whites had become racial nihilists and were practicing the new morality of sacrificing the White race on the altar of humanity. White supremacists and White preservationists were so few that they no longer had a voice in political, social, or economic matters.

Like most Blacks, Carmichael was a disciple of the old morality of preserving, protecting, and promoting his race. Consequently, he began to promote Black supremacy to replace the now-dead White supremacy. As a result, Black supremacy has brought Blacks privileges that White never had under White supremacy. Thus, Blacks receive all sorts of preferential treatments, such as quotas, set-asides, lower standards, and efforts to recruit Blacks. They even have agencies of the federal government whose primary purpose is to promote and protect these special rights, privileges, and immunities that Blacks have while denying them to Whites. (For a list of 75 such privileges, see “Black Privileges” by Thomas Allen.)

As Black supremacy has advanced, the White race and Western Civilization has faded. Today, only Black lives matter. Whites are nothing more than a cancer, a blight on humanity.

Carmichael was born in 1941 in Trinidad. In 1956, he moved to the United States with his parents and became a US citizen the following year. In 1964, he graduated from Howard University with an A.B. He became an activist in the so-called civil rights demonstrations in 1960 with a sit-in demonstration. The following year, he joined a “freedom-ride” in Mississippi. This demonstration led to a 49-day jail sentence for him.

Carmichael became the head of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee (SNCC, which is called “Snick”). In this position, he rose to national prominence. Under Carmichael’s leadership, SNCC organized riots in Puerto Rico and in Selma, Nashville, Atlanta, and other Southern cities.

At the urging of Martin Luther King, SNCC was organized to manage sit-ins, “freedom rides,” and related demonstrations, which came common throughout the South. It was the militant arm of King’s civil rights movement. King would go into a community and present his demands. If the community did not surrender unconditionally to King, SNCC would come into the community and riot and loot until it capitulated to King’s demands. Although it claimed to be nonviolent, SNCC used violence and the threat of violence to achieve its goals. Like nearly all civil rights organizations, SNCC was closely associated with Communists. (SNCC was the Black Lives Matter of its day.)

Carmichael helped organize the Black Panther Party in Mississippi and New York City. In 1966, he began earnestly promoting Black power. Promoting Black power, he expressed vehement hatred for all Whites.

Carmichael allied with Fidel Castro and other leftist leaders.  At a conference of the Communist’s Latin American Solidarity Organization, he urged a revolution to turn the Western hemisphere into one country. He also promoted guerrilla warfare in the United States with Negroes returning from Vietnam being the soldiers for this war.

In 1968, SNCC dismissed Carmichael because of the differences between the two. However, the disagreement was not about equating Black power with Black violence. Nevertheless, Carmichael left SNCC with its rallying cry: “To hell with  America . . . [which is] racist from top to bottom, from left to right.”

Carmichael was a leader of the riots in Washington, D.C., following the assassination of King. The following year, Carmichael began distancing himself from the Black Panthers because the organization was seeking to contaminate itself with White activists. Then, he moved to Africa and formerly condemned the Black Panthers for not being separatist enough. For the last 30 years of his life, he devoted himself to the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party. Carmichael died in 1998.

Sayings of Carmichael
“We want black power! Every courthouse in Mississippi ought to be burned down to get rid of the dirt.”

“I don’t ever want to hear you apologizing for a black man. Don’t you apologize for anyone who’s driven to throw Molotov cocktails. And don’t you call them riots, call them rebellions, for that's what they are.”

“I don’t think black people ought to wait to get the vote. . . . You ought to get together and tell the [white] man that if you don’t get the vote you’re going to bum down this city. Tell him, ‘if we don’t get the vote you’re not going to have a Washington, D.C.’”

“They’re building stores in Cleveland with no windows. It just means we have to move from Molotov cocktails to dynamite.”

“This nonviolence bit is just a philanthropic handout. I don’t see why people keep thinking about that. The violence is inevitable. I don’t try to stop the fight. I try to prepare the people I am organizing so that when the right time comes they will be able to win it. Our country does not run on reason; it is run on violence. That’s the reality of how things are done here. It is to my benefit to get the Negro out on the streets to stop the machine which is keeping me from my rights. Whether they do it by marching, singing, dancing or fighting is irrelevant.”

“Any time they give a black man a gun and tell him to shoot his enemy and he don’t shoot Lurleen and George and little junior [the Wallaces], he’s a fool. Lurleen Wallace is your enemy. These white helmeted cops are your enemies.”

“I tried it [non-violence] for five years and now he [a policeman] is no longer going to beat his humanity into my head. If he touches me, I’m going to kill him.”

“We do not want peace in Vietnam. We want the Vietnamese people to defeat the United States.”

“We will win our rights or we are going to burn the country [U.S.A.] down to the ground.”

“In Newark we applied tactics of the guerrillas. We are preparing groups of urban guerrillas for our defense in the cities. The price of these rebellions is a high price that one must pay. This fight is not going to be a simple street meeting. It is going to be a fight to the death.”

"Afro-Americans in the United States have a great deal of admiration for you [Che Guevara, Fidel Castros’ hatchet man]. We eagerly await your writings in order to digest them and to plan our tactics based on them.”

“Our [American Negroes’] struggle is not confined to the boundaries of the United States. We are for a truly United States of America from Tierra del Fuego to Alaska.”

“Yankee imperialism has existed too long. We [Negroes] are ready to destroy it from the inside. We hope you [Latin Americans] are ready to destroy it from the outside. We must join those who are for armed struggle throughout the world. . . . As we develop our revolutionary conscience, we must begin to develop urban guerrilla warfare. We are ready to meet the savagery of the white United States with arms.”

“We must internationalize our struggle and if we are going to turn into reality the words of Che to create two, three, and more Viet Nams, we must recognize that Detroit and New York are also Viet Nam.”

“[American Negroes] are taking the offensive now. They want to settle the score and will kill first and aim for the head. We must take our vengeance against the leaders of the United States. We don’t know if our people are ready yet, but our list is ready: McNamara, Dean Rusk, Johnson, etc.”

“The United States has taught us how to kill. Our brothers returning from Vietnam are going to use that training well in the cities of the United States.”

“[Negro guerrillas] must develop a consciousness so that when people who are struggling get killed, the retaliation will be against the leaders of the West. Let us develop a consciousness that when they touch one guerrilla, Lyndon Johnson, Dean Rusk, Robert McNamara and Harold Wilson must pay the price. We are not waiting for them to kill us. We will come to kill them first or rather, we are working towards that goal. We have no alternative but to use aggressive armed force, violence, in order to own the land, houses and stores inside our communities and to control the politics of those communities.”

"The only way the Negro in Alabama will get justice is to smash the Democratic  Party. . . . We have the power to smash (it). . . . I want to work toward 1972. By then the Negroes should be organized as an independent force."

“When you talk of Black Power, you talk of bringing this country to its knees.”

“The Black Man is sick and tired of being held as a slave of the White man’s imperialism; the American Negro no longer owes any allegiance to the American capitalist society, and in this fight for liberation he will align himself only with international forces sympathetic to our movement.”

“We (Black Power) will align with any foreign power that will help us in our fight for self-determination', and join us in the total destruction of capitalist imperialism.”

“We're going to shoot the cops that are shooting our black brothers in the back in this country. That’s where we're going.”

“The white man is a devil!”

(The above quotations are from Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, Consolidated Vol. I, 1969, pp. 269-271; Wes Andrews and Clyde Dalton, The Black Hammer: a Study of Black Power, Red Influence and White Alternatives, 1967, pp. 31, 49, 75, 92.)

Copyright © 2020 by Thomas Coley Allen

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Josephus Daniels

Josephus Daniels

Thomas Allen

Josephus Daniels (1862–1948) owned the Raleigh News & Observer from 1898 until his death in 1948 when the paper passed to his descendants. He is reputed to have been a White supremacist, who used his paper to promote White supremacy. (Now, the owners, who bought the paper in 1995, use the newspaper to promote Black supremacy.) Daniels was the Secretary of the Navy (1913–1921) under President Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt’s ambassador to Mexico between 1933 and 1942.

One of the most despicable acts of unconditional surrenders to Black supremacy has to be the Daniels family taking down Josephus Daniels’ statue. His family took down the statue before even a threat was made. His grandson and great-grandson are a disgrace to their grandfather and great-grandfather. Moreover, this act is a blatant violation of the Fifth Commandment; it greatly dishonors one’s ancestors. If Daniels was as detestable as his family claims, why did they erect a statue in his honor?

Would Daniels be proud that his descendants who have become White-hating, racial nihilist, wokespersons, and social justice warriors, who worship Black supremacy, Black privilege, and Black power? Or, would he be disappointed in and ashamed of them? Regardless, their action is so disgraceful that no self-respecting Black will want to have anything to do with them — other than to take their wealth.

When the war comes, Blacks will take out the albusphobic, Dixiephobic, Confederaphobic Whites who destroy memorials to Southerners and other Whites quicker than they will any so-called White supremacists because these will offer no resistance. They see their duty as sacrificing themselves to their Black masters.

What will Whites receive from the removal of the Daniels’ statue and other statues of Whites? They will receive nothing desirable. Blacks will repay them with ever more degrading demands. If these demands are not met with alacrity and abasement, Blacks will vandalize, riot, loot, burn, and kill until they are met with extortionary and usury interest. Why should not Blacks behave like this when all they face are White albusphobes, who beg to surrender to Blacks so that the Blacks can whip them without mercy? Such is the just reward for anyone who destroys their family heritage the way that the Daniels have.

Now is the time for the Raleigh News & Observer to take the honorable action. It needs to go out of business immediately. Its buildings need to be torn down. All its equipment and other property need to be scrapped. Nothing should be salvaged because it would contaminate the new owner with racism and White supremacy. Josephus Daniels’ racism and White supremacy have so contaminated the News & Observer that no amount of repentance can redeem it. His descendants tried for years to cleanse the taint of racism and White supremacy before they sold the paper to another. Even the new owner has failed. Once an organization is infected with White supremacy and racism, it is beyond redemption. It must be eradicated. That is why the White race, especially those who grovel, needs to be genocided. If you do not believe me, ask Black Lives Matter.

These albusphobic, Dixiephobic, and Confederaphobic Whites, who enthrall themselves as wokespersons and social justice warriors, will avail themselves of nothing. Black Lives Matters and Blacks, in general, cannot respect such groveling self-abasing White albusphobes and consider them a joke — although their words and actions often say otherwise. Blacks see White albusphobes as traitors to their White kindred and, therefore, use them to advance the Black agenda of Black power, Black privilege, and Black supremacy. Consequently, removing the Daniels’ statue and other statues of Southerners will only lead to more violence and racial disharmony and more demands by Blacks and more surrenders by Whites. The only reason Blacks do not want to genocide the White race is that they need White slaves to produce wealth for them to plunder. However, far too many Whites do want to genocide the White race to rid the universe of its greatest disease: whitism.

Copyright © 2020 by Thomas Coley Allen.

More social issues articles.

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement -- Part 2

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement

Thomas Allen

The leading Negro organizations were founded, organized, and controlled by Communists and communist sympathizers. These organizations included the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Highlander Folk School (HFS), National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), National Negro Congress (NNC), National Urban League (NUL), Revolution Action Movement (RAM), Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee (SNCC)

In 1946, the NNC, International Labor Defense (the legal arm of the Communist party), and the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties (all three were communist fronts) merged to form the CRC. Representing NNC was its president Max Yergan, a Communist. Vito Marcantonto, president of ILD and a member of many communist fronts, represented ILD. Milton Kemnitz, executive secretary of NFCL, represented NFCL. “In 1957, the Subversive Activities Control Board said that the merger ‘was created and established by the Communist Party as an organization which would utilize defense of civil rights for Party purposes and raise and maintain mass defense and bail funds for Party use. . . . [The Civil Rights Congress’] major activity became the defense of Party leaders, and the Party continued to assign functionaries and members as officers of or to work in the Civil Rights Congress to insure that the CRC would operate in accordance with the Party program. . . .’” In short, the CRC is a communist front.

In 1942 James Farmer and George Houser formed CORE. Rustin was the field secretary of CORE during the 1940s. King was a member of CORE’s national advisory committee. King’s SCLC and CORE collaborated on the southern campaigns. CORE promoted violence while SCLC offered a nonviolent solution. The message was “give King what he demanded or Farmer’s CORE will attack you.” That is, “save yourself from CORE’s violence by acceding to King’s demands.” With this tactic, the civil rights movement advanced.

As national director of CORE, McKissick stated, “CORE has many friends. Some might be Black Muslims or the Communists.” In 1965 CORE allied with the Black Muslims.

CORE’s basic tactic was to take over a person’s property and then force that person to either divide the property with CORE members or forcibly remove CORE members from the property. If the property owner chose the latter, he was castigated for doing a great moral wrong. Farmer, CORE’s national director, declared “CORE is the hard-cutting edge of the civil right movement. We’re much more militant than Malcolm X — we’re activists.” Known Communists were highly active in CORE and its demonstrations.

About CORE, Gannon writes, “Despite CORE’s leaders’ constant prattling about nonviolence, CORE demonstrations were fraught with violence. This was not an unusual development because the same situation held true for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Martin L. King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the two organizations which were the main collaborators in CORE's demonstrations.”

HFS was a communist front that Myles Horton established with the assistance of Don West. West was the district director of the Communist Party of North Carolina. The purpose of HFS was to train religious leaders and others to subvert churches and labor unions to get them to support communist causes like the civil rights movement.

The NAACP was founded in 1909 to facilitate race wars in the United States and to bring down the white people. Behind organizing the NAACP was Jacob Schiff, head of Kuhn, Loeb and Co., head of the Russian Section of the Jewish International World Government, and a financier of the Bolshevik Revolution through Trotsky. W.E.B. DuBois and seven whites constituted its initial governing body. Most of the early members were white radicals, socialists, and Communists. Throughout its history, the NAACP has maintained close ties with Communists. In 1958 more than 61 percent of the top leaders of the NAACP were involved with communistenterprises. Since the founding of the NAACP, radicals have used it to advance their social and other statist agendas.

In 1923 Communists began financing the NAACP through the Garland Fund, which Communists ran, and continued to do so until at least 1934. A few years later Communists began taking control of the NAACP. By the late 1930s, the NAACP had become associated with communist organizations and fronts, such as the National Negro Congress, World Youth Congress, and American Youth for a Free World. In 1941 it cooperated with the Communist party in establishing Progress Citizens of America. The Communist Party endorsed the NAACP in 1953 and encouraged its members to support the NAACP’s campaigns. Another endorsement was given in 1957. The permanent attorneys associated with the NAACP were affiliated with communist fronts and projects.

Before 1960 the NAACP had focused on legal and educational programs. Then it followed SCLC and CORE and adopted an activist program. It became involved in “peace” marches, boycotts, picket lines at stores, and sit-ins.

Robert Thompson, a Communist, wrote the following about the NAACP in Political Affairs: “The emergence of a powerful left, anti-imperialist, anti-fascist current among the Negro people is unmistakable and is clearly discernible in the NAACP.”

About the NAACP, Manning Johnson declared, “National Association for the Advancement of Colored People set up the situation that erupted into racial violence at Little Rock . . . the main danger and handicap to the Negro is not the southern school, but the persecution and hate complex the NAACP and the Reds are trying to create.”

Gannon writes about the NAACP:

From its inception to the present, no matter the protestations of Langston Hughes or any other NAACP apologist, the organization’s officials and its known members, collectively and individually, have represented the influential left, the leadership of Communist fronts and leftwing political and pacifist groups, and the most effective of the anti-anti-Communist establishment. The NAACP has two seemingly contradictory objectives. One is to foment racial tensions, which intensifies barriers between Negroes and other races, especially whites. The other is to bring down barriers that separate Negroes from other races, especially whites. These two objectives are not really contradictory. Both use the Negro as a weapon to destroy the white people and the United States, which are the ultimate goals of the NAACP and kindred organization.

In 1947 The NNC merged with the CRC. James W. Ford, a Communist and a vice president of the League of Strength for Negro Rights (a communist organization), and the Negro Commission of the Communist Party established the NNC in 1935. Another organizer was Ralph Bunche. Communists who were active in the NCC were James W. Ford, Benjamin Davis Jr. (secretary of the NCC), Louise Thompson (member of the Communist Party’s central committee), and Louise E. Strong.

“In 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle reported: ‘The National Negro Congress, throughout its existence, has closely followed the Communist Party line, espousing causes and adopting issues sponsored by the Party, and with regard thereto, has sought to affiliate itself and form “united fronts” with other organizations. It has characterized all legislation deemed a threat to the civil liberties of Communists or any alien or minority group as “repressive and fascist.” . . .’” Under Whitney Young’s leadership, NUL threatened the United States government into funding a social revolution to prevent an armed revolt. Actually, the ruling elite wanted to increase spending on social programs. Social programs make people dependent on the government, which the ruling elite control. Thus, social programs facilitated their control of the masses.

RAM’s “avowed goal was the violent overthrow of the United States Government.” Its leaders openly aligned themselves with the Vietcong. It sought to infiltrate and subvert other Negro organizations. About RAM, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover stated, “[RAM is] a highly militant, secretive organization following the Chinese oriented Marxist-Leninist line and believes in replacing the capitalistic system with socialism.”

King, Shuttlesworth, and Rustin founded SCLC in 1957. Among the guests at the SCLC organizational meeting were Ella J. Baker (spiritual mother of SNCC) and Charles Hayes (a Communist and district director of United Packinghouse Works of America).

Levison provided financial, organizational, and public relations services for King and SCLC and was responsible for much of SCLC’s finances. In 1956, Rustin introduced King to Levison, a Communist. Afterwards, Levison and King became close friends. Besides his other services to King, Levison wrote speeches for King.

SCLC collaborated with HFS to train Negro leaders in the civil rights movement.

The Louisiana Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities found that SCLC was “substantially under the control of the Communist Party through the influence of the Southern Conference Education Fund and the Communists who manage it.” King and SCLC were closely associated with Dombrowski and other Communists.

SCEF was a communist front used to promote Communism and communist goals to Southern Negroes. SCEF appeared soon after the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) disbanded in 1947. The Communist Party established SCHW in 1938. Carl Braden, a member of the Communist party was the field director of the SCHW and later executive director and information director. His wife, Anne Braden, who was also a member of the Communist party, was the editor of the Southern Patriot, which SCHW published and which the SCEF continued to publish. Law partners Benjamin E. Smith and Bruce Waltzer were part of the overall management of SCEF. Both were indicted under the Louisiana Subversive Activities and Communist Control Act. Benjamin Smith was its treasurer. William H. Melish, a Communist, was the Eastern Representative of SCEF.

Aubrey Williams, a member of the Communist party, was the president of SCEF until 1963, and then he became president emeritus. Under President Roosevelt, Williams was director of the National Youth Administration, which made him Lyndon Johnson’s boss. Dombrowski, former executive director of SCHW and a member of the Communist Party, was the executive director of SCEF.

SCEF was the financial backbone of the civil rights movement and the Negro Revolution and many communist fronts. Without the financial aid of SCEF, SNCC would have collapsed.

In 1960 King founded SNCC (pronounced “snick”) to manage sit-ins. After the founding of SNCC, sit-ins and related demonstrations became commonplace throughout the South. SNCC soon gained the support of the U.S. National Student Association (which the CIA funded), the U.S. Department of Justice, NAACP, CORE, and SCLC.

Besides sit-ins, SNCC conducted “freedom rides” and “freedom schools.” Although it claimed to be nonviolent, SNCC used violence and the threat of violence to achieve its goals.

Like nearly all civil rights organizations, SNCC was closely associated with Communists. “Liberal columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak commented: ‘ . . . There is no doubt that SNCC is substantially infiltrated by beatnicks, left wing revolutionaries and worst of all — by Communists.’” It used mailing labels of the communist National Guardian.

SNCC received funds from SCEF and Dombrowski. Jack Rogers, counsel of the Louisiana Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities, noted:

Without the help and backing of the Communist-led Southern Conference Educational Fund, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee would collapse overnight. However it originally started, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee is certainly now under the complete control of the Southern Conference Educational Fund through both money and leadership. . . .

The Committee finds that the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee are substantially under the control of the Communist Party through the influence of Southern Conference Educational Fund and the Communists who manage it.

In 1966 Carmichael became the chairman of SNCC, and SNCC abandoned the pretense of working for integration through nonviolence. Under Carmichael, SNCC pushed Black Power. SNCC formerly merged with the Black Panthers in 1968 for a few months after which SNCC expelled Carmichael and ended its merger with the Black Panthers. However, Carmichael left SNCC its rallying cry: “To hell with America . . . [which is] racist from top to bottom, from left to right.” What is left unsaid is that the racists are black and not the cowered whites.

Many more communist organizations have been involved in the civil rights movement. The ones discussed above are a few of the most important ones.

The Communists approached the civil rights movement with a two-pronged attack. They gave white America a choice to be destroyed by black violence or to be destroyed by black integration. Consequently, Malcolm X preached violence while King was presented as the symbol of nonviolence. If America did not give King what he demanded, it would have to answer to Malcolm X. Only King could save America from the violence of Malcolm X. Yet King seemed to leave a wake of Negro riots wherever he went. (King wrote that the purpose of his demonstrations was to provoke violence.)

Carmichael exposed the myth of “nonviolence” in the civil rights movement. During an interview in 1966, he declared:

This nonviolence bit is just a philanthropic handout. I don’t see why people keep thinking about that. The violence is inevitable. I don’t try to stop the fight. I try to prepare the people I am organizing so that when the right time comes they will be able to win it. Our country does not run on reason; it is run on violence. That’s the reality of how things are done here. It is to my benefit to get the Negro out on the streets to stop the machine which is keeping me from my rights. Whether they do it by marching, singing, dancing or fighting is irrelevant. Communists have been at the center of Negro riots. Former Communist Philip Abbot Luce stated, “All of us, as good Communists, were responsible for some work in the riots and each of us longed for the possibility that Harlem would herald the beginning of a nationwide guerilla war.”

Although many leaders of the civil rights movement are Communists, most members are not. The purpose of civil rights organizations is to get noncommunists to support the communist agenda of bringing the United States and the white race down via the Negro Revolution. (The Negro Revolution is one of several approaches being used to destroy the United States and the white race. Others include feminism and the homosexual movement. The same arguments are used in all three movements.) These noncommunist members, many of whom are naive or idealists, conceal the true masters controlling the civil rights movement: Communists and their lords, the ruling elite.

The communist influence is seen when the leaders talk about poor and working-class whites uniting with oppressed blacks to overthrow capitalism, which according to them is the cause of racism. Also, during their riots, Negroes often destroy many black businesses. Like Communists, civil rights organizations promote the welfare state and socialism. Consequently, they want to reduce blacks, whites, and everyone else besides the ruling elite to wards and slaves of the state. So much for freeing the Negro.

In essence, black leaders claim that, unlike people of other races, Negroes are too inferior to stand on their own. They need special privileges and handouts. If they do not believe that Negroes are inferior, then they reveal that they are more interested in promoting socialism than the welfare of Negroes.

One reason that Communists oppose segregation is that it causes the development of a Negro bourgeoisie. Pepper (Pogany) rightly blamed segregation for “. . . a rapid development of a Negro petit-bourgeoisie, a Negro intelligentsia and even a Negro bourgeoisie. The very fact of segregation of the Negro masses creates the basis for the development of a stratum of small merchants, lawyers, physicians, preachers, brokers, who try to attract the Negro workers and farmers as consumers. . . .” The Communists wanted to replace this independence and prosperity of the Negro people with hatred toward whites and dependence on the government — and they have succeeded remarkably well.

Furthermore, because the ruling elite feeds on crisis and turmoil, segregation was turned into a great social crisis. This crisis has been one of the most artificial crises ever created in the United States. Elitists, primarily through Communists, instigated it to add racial hatred to class hatred. Integration also serves the purpose of hastening the death of the white people as it destroys them with artificial guilt and helps breed them out of existence.

The Carnegie Foundation and the Ford Foundation have been important financial sources for the Negro Revolution and its civil rights movement. Carnegie foundations financed Whitney Young, a racial extortionist, and the National Urban League. Young and NUL also received funding from the Ford Foundation.

Besides NUL, CORE, SCLC, and NAACP received funds from the Ford Foundation. The Ford Foundation also funded Milton A. Galamision, LeRoi Jones, and Floyd B. McKissick.

Carnegie’s money also paid for Gunnar Myrdal’s study that purported proved that segregation caused all the problems of the Negro. If it were not for segregation, the Negro would be the white’s intellectual, economic, and social equal. Myrdal held that liberty must be sacrificed for the sake of social equality. He was a Communist who considered the U.S. Constitution to be a plot against the common people. Aiding him in his study were 16 people associated with communist fronts. At least four of them (Ralph J. Bunche, Doxy A. Wilkerson, Bernard J. Stern, and James E. Jackson) were Communists. The United States Supreme Court relied on Myrdal’s study to reject the U.S. Constitution and to impose integration. Stang described this study and its use by the Supreme Court as “the Communist weapon forged by these totalitarians for the purpose — as one of the main justifications for ordering the forced amalgamation of the races in the schools. And that decision leads straight to the forced bussing of today. In other words, forced bussing is nothing but a tactic in a long-range Communist strategy.” The purpose of this strategy is to subvert covertly the government of the United States into a dictatorship. To achieve this goal, the family must be destroyed. This destruction is the purpose of forced integration. Not only did the ruling elite use the financial might of their foundations to foment the Negro Revolution, they also used the money and power of the U. S. government. President Johnson’s civil rights law and War on Poverty were merely weapons that the ruling elite used through the Negro Revolution to destroy the constitutional government of the United States and the white people.

One ostensible object of the War on Poverty was to eliminate slums that agitators exploited to get Negroes to riot. Yet Communists and other agitators were hired to administer the War on Poverty. Actually, the real purpose of the War on Poverty was to create turmoil. (Before the riots of 1967 broke out, Sargent Shriver, director of the United States Office of Economic Opportunity, knew that the United Community Corp., an agency of the Office of Economic Opportunity, was organizing the riots.) President Johnson used the 1967 riots as an excuse for the expansion of his War on Poverty. Negro riots served the purpose of expanding the size, power, and intrusiveness of the U.S. government.

Black revolutionists gave the ruling elite an excuse to carry out compulsory racial integration in the United States. The organization of racial integration was assigned to Ronald Lippert of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and the American Jewish Congress. His program called for the destruction of the individual’s personal identity and his racial heritage — especially the destruction of white racial identity. The National Education Association was employed to execute this program. Controlling the National Education Association was the Stanford Research Institute. Controlling the Stanford Research Institute was the Tavistock Institute. The Tavistock Institute specialized in developing, teaching, and employing mind control and brainwashing techniques.

Some Negro leaders, such as former Communists Helen Wood Birnie and Manning Johnson, had the intelligence and courage to oppose the evils of the civil rights movement. They realized that the ruling elite was using Negroes to advance their communistic, illuministic New World Order. Manning summed up school integration:

. . . the whole issue boils down to taking Negro children out of one school and transferring them to another so that they can be seated with white children on the assumption that only in this way will the Negro child get an education. What really is being implied is that the 113,000 Negro teachers in Southern schools are inferior, incompetent and unable to properly teach the children of their own race . . . it is a question of the liquidation of the Negro school and the Negro teacher under the guise of integration.

These Negro leaders were ignored or smeared with vile epitaphs. (Probably many Negro leaders, such as King and DuBois, who had sold their souls to the ruling elite, were aware of these evils and that their people were merely tools used to advance the illuministic New World Order.)

To show Americans, especially Southerners, that the resistance to the U.S. government and its despotic edicts was futile, President Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and used it to invade Little Rock in 1957. Later, President Kennedy federalized the Mississippi National Guard in 1962 and used it to invade Mississippi. Thus, the ruling elite used these national guards against their own States.

Moreover, black organizations allied with communist fronts and liberal organizations have been highly successful in destroying Southern culture. Singing “Dixie” and displaying the Confederate battle flag have been banned. Statues honoring Confederate soldiers and heroes have been torn down. Streets and public buildings bearing the name of Confederate soldiers and nineteenth century. Southern political leaders have been renamed. In the name of tolerance, the South is drowning in a sea of intolerance.

Communists supported the Civil Rights Act of 1964. They correctly saw the law as greatly increasing the power of the U.S. government and the President over the people. Communist Benjamin Davis declared, “Communists believe the achievement of this program [legislation, etc.] will lay an indispensable basis not only for the further social progress of the country, but for its socialist and communist future.”

Lloyd Wright and John C. Satterfield, both past presidents of the American Bar Association, stated about the Civil Rights Act:

It is 10% civil rights and 90% extension of Federal executive power. If this legislation becomes law and is upheld by the Courts—

–It will, in fact, extend Federal control over business, industry and over individuals (with a corresponding destruction of State power) in a degree that exceeds the total of such extensions of power by all judicial decisions and all Congressional actions since the Constitution of the United States was adopted.

–It will, in fact, destroy the Constitutional checks and balances between the Federal Government and the States; and

–It will, in fact, destroy the Constitutional checks and balances between the Executive branch of the Government and the Legislative and Judicial branches.

—The “civil rights” aspect of this Legislation is but a cloak; uncontrolled Federal Executive power is the body.

Wright and Satterfield continue:

This legislation assumes a totally powerful National Government with unending authority to intervene in all private affairs among men, and to control and adjust property relationships, in accordance with the judgment of Government personnel.

It is impossible to prevent Federal intervention from becoming an institutionalization of special privilege for political pressure groups.

They conclude, “This must lead eventually, not to greater human freedom, but to an ever-diminishing freedom.”

Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 expressly prohibited forced busing, federal judges soon replaced the clear language of the law with the communist agenda of forced busing for racial purposes. Thus, they replaced the “rule of law” with the “rule of man.” Congress did nothing and has done nothing to stop these illegal acts of federal judges. Forced busing has nothing to do with quality education for Negroes. It has everything to do with forcing integration.

To show the result of the civil rights law, Alan Stang comments on a barber prosecuted under the civil rights law of Illinois for refusing to cut the hair of two Negroes:

So in the United States of America — the land of the free — man can be sent to jail for six months, for refusing to cut somebody’s hair.

According to the Rev. Dr. King, what we have to worry about is slavery. It was slavery that made the problem. And is the “vestiges” of slavery that keep the problem alive. It’s slavery that we have to get away from.

What is slavery?

A slave is officially defined as: “One whose person and services are under the control of another as owner or master.” The point on the Old Plantation, according to Dr. King, was that some men’s services were under the control of other men as masters.

And according to Dr. King this was wrong. It was slavery.

But according to Dr. King it’s perfectly all right for the services of a man in Illinois to be under the control of another man as master. It’s perfectly fine that a man can be sent to jail for six months for refusing to cut another man’s hair. That’s wonderful, that’s okay.

That isn’t slavery.

It’s civil rights.

Yet the whole point to slavery, isn’t it, is that a slave can’t quit. Negro slaves couldn’t quit the Old Plantation — and Mr. Rehm apparently can’t quit in Illinois.

The civil rights movement along with forced integration has made race relations worse. It has heightened racial identity and consciousness among nonwhites and has done nothing to reduce racial stereotypes. It has increased intolerance. In the name of tolerance, the leaders of the civil rights movement have been highly intolerant. Conflicts have been elevated between Negroes and Latinos, Negroes and Somalis, Latinos and East Asians, and other racial and ethnic groups. (When left free to choose, most people prefer segregation to integration. They prefer being among others who are like them.) Integration has even created conflict between groups that historically never had conflict with each other until they came to the multiracial, multicultural United States. Communists and other statists feed on conflict as it fertilizes their power. That is why the ruling elite brought the civil rights movement to the United States and has pushed the multiracial, multicultural, open borders, “diversity is strength,” agenda. It destroys liberty and the white race while making the ruling elite all-powerful.

The whole civil rights movement is a hoax. Its purpose is not to grant Negroes “equal rights” per se. Its purpose is to enslave whites. The common excuse for Negro crime and Negro riots is that Negroes are rebelling against white oppression. Whites have denied Negroes their “rights.” Well, Negroes have not only been granted “equal rights,” they have been given superior rights. They have become the new aristocracy, a privileged class. Yet Negro crime grows, and the riots still occurred. However, whites have surrendered enormous freedoms in the name of “equal rights.” The more “equal rights” Negroes have acquired, the more socialistic (fascistic) the United States have become. The more “equal rights” Negroes acquire, the more political power is concentrated in the U.S. government and in the President — and fewer real rights anyone, black or white, has. As Pat Buchanan remarks, “Civil rights has become a racket.”

If whites are as vile and evil as proponents of the civil rights movement contend, why would blacks want to integrate with such hideous people? This is one of the great mysteries of the civil rights movement. That blacks want to integrate with such despicable cowards speaks volumes about blacks — and it is not complimentary. The answer to this mystery must be that blacks do not want to associate with whites. They want the wealth, property, and power that they perceive whites as having. At least they have achieved their goal of power over whites.

In the end, the civil rights movement and Negro Revolution do not benefit the Negro. They were never intended to benefit the Negro. They were intended to enslave everyone under the ruling elite. To see the future of the Negro in what is becoming a Latino-controlled America, one needs only to look at California, especially Los Angeles.

The Civil Rights Act reduced the States, especially the Southern States, to little more than administrative districts of the U.S. government. It has given the President almost absolute control over every business in the country, public education, housing, and the media. In the name of eradicating the vestiges of slavery, the Civil Rights Act has reduced all to slavery. According to King, slavery placed men’s services under the control of other men as masters, which is exactly what the Civil Rights Act that he supported has done. Furthermore, whites have been cowered into allowing their race and culture to be destroyed.

J. Edgar Hoover outlined the communist-led civil rights movement:

Communists seek to advance the cause of communism by injecting themselves into racial situations and in exploiting them (1) to intensify the frictions between Negroes and whites to "prove" that discrimination against minorities is an inherent defect of the capitalist system, (2) to foster domestic disunity by dividing Negroes and whites into antagonistic, warring factions, (3) to undermine and destroy established authority, (4) to incite Negro hostility toward law and order, (5) to encourage and foment racial strife and riotous activity, and (6) to portray the Communist movement as the “champion” of social protest and the only force capable of ameliorating the conditions of the Negro and the oppressed.

In his book Color, Communism and Common Sense, Manning Johnson describes the tactics that Communists used to control the civil rights movement. A chief tactic is to condemn racial strife while creating it. Smearing opponents is another.

The civil rights movement has followed the basic communist tactic of thesis (action), antithesis (reaction), and synthesis (solution). Blacks agitate, threaten violence, take over property, and riot — thesis (problem). Whites react to protect themselves — antithesis. (To ensure a violent reaction, often the reaction is led by agents of the ruling elite.) Agents of the ruling elite come forth with the solution, which is concentrating ever more power in the U.S. government and the President, whom the ruling elite controls if not own — synthesis (solution). It is all very simple.

The objective of the civil rights movement is to divide and destroy America and to bring down the white race. It has been remarkably successful because of the complete and unconditional surrender by whites.

As has been shown, the civil rights movement has been a communist movement from the beginning and continues to be one today. Its leaders have been Communists and communist sympathizers.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
 
Part 1 Part 3

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The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement -- Part 1

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement

 Thomas Allen

[Editor's note: Footnotes in the original are omitted.]

    Early in the twentieth century, the racial plan to destroy the United States and the white race was laid out:

We must realize that our party’s most powerful weapon is racial tension. By propounding into the consciousness of the dark races that for centuries they have been oppressed by the whites, we can move them to the program of the Communist Party. In America we will aim for subtle victory. While inflaming the Negro minority against whites, we will instill in the whites a guilt complex for their exploitation of the Negroes. We will aid the Negroes to rise to prominence in every walk of life, in the professions, and in the world of sports and entertainment. With this prestige, the Negro will be able to intermarry with the whites and begin a process which will deliver America to our cause.[1]

Congressman Thomas Abernathy entered this quotation into the Congressional Record. It was from “A Racial Program for the 20th Century” (1912) by Israel Cohen, a British Fabian.
    Cohen reveals the real objective of the Negro Revolution and the civil rights movement. This plan has been highly successful and has been mostly achieved.
    Soon after the Communists consolidated their position in Russia, they exported their revolution to the United States. Stalin sent Joseph Pogany, also known as John Pepper, to the United States to promote the Negro Revolution and Black Nationalism. The goal of Black Nationalism was to carve a Negro nation out of the United States. Pogany sought to convert American Negroes into communist revolutionists and to use them to destroy the United States. Black Nationalism grew into the Black Muslim and Nation of Islam movements. The “Million Man March” of 1995 and the demands-for-reparations movement (the demand that today’s American Negroes be paid large sums of money and be given additional legal privileges because Negroes were slaves 160 years ago) are also outgrowths of Black Nationalism. Unlike most communist revolutions, the Negro Revolution has been more covert than overt. It has been a revolution concealed in the crime statistics and frequent riots.
    In 1925, the Communist Party laid out its plan to use the Negro to ignite the Negro Revolution:

The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead the struggle of the Negro race against the exploitation and oppression in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary movement of the whole American working class . . . and connect them with the struggles of national minorities and colonial peoples of all the world and thereby the cause of world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.[2]

Part of this plan would make any act of discrimination against a Negro a crime. Blacks would receive greater benefits than whites.
    Part of the communist plan for Negro liberation was to agitate for “full racial, social, and political equality for the Negro people.”[3] Initially, the Communists tried to get equality and independence for blacks in the South. In 1930, Stalin ordered that the Negroes in the North be included in the agitation for “equal rights.”[4]
    The most effective part of the Negro Revolution has been the communist plan to establish organizations to promote “civil rights” for Negroes. These “rights” include forced school integration, bussing students to a particular school because of their race, micro-managing the hiring practices of businesses (covert quota systems), stripping landlords and home sellers of their right to rent or sell or not to rent or sell to whomever they desire, stripping restaurant owners of their right to serve whom they please, and admissions to college based on skin color. “Civil rights” have led to reverse discrimination (discrimination against whites), lower standards (especially for Negroes), double standards (higher standards for whites and lower standards for blacks), hiring and job promotions based on race instead of ability, denying people the right to choose, deteriorating education, stripping people (especially whites) of the freedom of speech and assembly, emphasizing a person’s race over his character, and degrading Negroes (are they admitted, hired, or promoted because of ability or because of race). Whites have been trained to cower before black militancy. If they do not, the weight of the U.S. government and the news media is brought to bear against them. The goal of the civil rights (equal rights, integration, black privileges) movement is to bring down the United States and the white race. It has led to revising the immigration laws to favor nonwhite immigrants, which has transformed into open borders, especially for nonwhites.
    For the most part, the leaders and organizers of the civil rights movement and other Negro movements, Negro riots, and Negro organizations have been Communists or communist sympathizers. Backing these leaders and organizers are globalists, one-worlders, heads of major foundations, international financiers, chief executives of multinational corporations, Zionist leaders, leaders of the occult, and other elitists — that is, the ruling elite.
    Most promoters of the Negro Revolution and the civil rights movement have been Communists or communist sympathizers. Most supported North Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Many supported Castro’s Cuba. They include:
        Herbert Aptheker: white, a Communist, editor of the communist journal Political Affairs, considered the chief theoretician of the Communist Party in the United States, a supporter of Congress of Racial Equality and Black Panthers, “encourage Negroes to be extremely militant in their pursuit of massive social revolution,”[5] author of numerous books and articles on the Negro in America and American history.
        Ralph Abernathy: a Negro, treasure and vice president of the Southern Christian Leadership League, a member of the advisory committee of the Congress of Racial Equality, and a leading organizer of the Montgomery Improvement Association (the force behind the 1955-1956 Montgomery boycott and the use of Rosa Parks to initiate the boycott), threatened to burn the country down with his Poor People’s March on Washington if the U.S. government did not give Negroes enough largess.
        Ella J. Baker: a Negro, member of In Friendship (an organization that provided financial aid to blacks who were in legal trouble because of their political activity), established the Southern Christian Leadership Conference headquarters in Atlanta, a special consultant of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, and an active member of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee. (John Lewis called her “the spiritual mother of S.N.C.C.”[6])
        James Bevel: a Negro, civil rights agitator, one of King’s most militant lieutenants (1963-1968), member of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee staff, and head of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (a communist front). (Bevel remarked, “We must move to destroy Western Civilization.”[7])
        H. Rap Brown: a Negro, chairman of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee, Black Panther, member of the Republic of New Africa, (the geopolitical arm of the communist Revolutionary Action Movement), instigator of the East St. Louis Negro riot of 1967, and the Cambridge, Maryland, Negro riot of 1967. (Brown urged blacks to murder whites: “How can you be nonviolent in America, the most violent country in the world. . . . You better shoot that [white] man to death, that’s what he’s been doing to you.”[8])
        Ralph Bunche: a Negro, a Communist,[9] founder of the National Negro Congress, contributing editor of the communist magazine Science and Society, high official of the Institute of Pacific Relations (a communist front), U.S. delegate to the United Nations, and a member of the Council on Foreign Relation.
        Stokely Carmichael: a Negro, chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, help organize the Black Panther party in Mississippi, promoter of Black Power. (Carmichael told a Negro audience, “I don’t ever want to hear you apologizing for a black man. Don’t you apologize for anyone who’s driven to throw Molotov cocktails. And don’t you call them riots, call them rebellions, for that’s what they are.”[10] Just before the 1967 riot in Cincinnati, “Carmichael urged Negroes to ‘fight the police and burn the city.’”[11])
        Revels Cayton: a Negro, a Communist,[12] and executive secretary of the National Negro Conference.
        Leroy Eldridge Cleaver: a Negro, a Black Muslim, a Black Panther leader, Peace and Freedom party (a communist front) candidate for President, considered himself “a member of the world communist movement which has made many sacrifices for the Soviet Union.”[13] (Speaking to a crowd of students in Paris via a tape-recorded message, Cleaver said, “Now is the time for us to move into the streets, to cause destruction, to drag this decadent system [of capitalism] over the cliff.”[14])
        George Crockett: a Negro, a Communist,[15] civil rights attorney, judge, vice president of the National Lawyers Guild (a communist front), a sponsor of the Civil Rights Congress. (Crockett remarked, “The Communist Party, greatest champion of Negro rights, doesn’t have to take their hats off to anyone when it comes to fighting on that issue. . . .”[16])
        Benjamin J. Davis, a Negro, a Communist,[17] Communist party secretary of Negro Affairs.
        John W. Dobbs: a Negro, a national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, on the board of the Southern Conference Educational Fund.
        James A. Dombrowski: white, a Communist,[18] executive director of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare and Southern Conference Educational Fund.
        W.E.B. DuBois: a Negro, a Communist,[19] affiliated with at least 96 communist fronts,[20] a founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and editor of its magazine The Crisis, recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1959. (He wrote, “The most ordinary Negro is a distinct gentleman, but it takes extraordinary training and opportunity to make the average white man anything but a hog.”[21])
        William Epton: a Negro, a Communist,[22] chairman of the Harlem Defense Council.
        James Farmer: a Negro, 1941-1945 race relation secretary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation (a radical-pacifist organization), field secretary for and later vice president of the socialist League of Industrial Democracy, a program director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (1959-1961), a founder and national director of Congress of Racial Equality (1961-1968).
        Herman B. Ferguson: a Negro, member of the Revolutionary Action Movement.
        Milton Galamison: a Negro, organizer and leader of the New York school boycott in 1964, 1965, and 1968, director of the School Community Organized for Partnership in Education (which demanded racial integration of New York City schools and which received funding from the Ford Foundation), affiliated with the Southern Conference Education Fund, after the 1964 riot in New York threatened more and larger riots if New York City did not agree to his demands.
        Jesse Gray: a Negro, a Communist,[23] vice chairman of the Communist Party’s United May Day Committee, chairman of the Organization for Black Power (1965), campaign manager for Benjamin Davis in 1952 and 1958, and organizer of the 1964 Harlem riot.
        John H. Holmes: white, a founder and national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for 55 years, affiliated with at least 30 communist organizations.[24]
        Myles Horton: white, founder and director of Highlands Folk School, affiliated with the Southern Conference Educational Fund and the Southern Conference for Human Welfare.
        George Houser: a Negro, a founder and director of the Congress of Racial Equality, executive director of the American Committee on Africa.
        Roy Innis: a Negro, associate director and later national director of the Congress of Racial Equality, executive director of the Harlem Commonwealth Council. (Innis displayed more wisdom and intelligence than most whites. He wrote, “Under segregation, black people live together but their institutions are controlled by whites. Under integration, black people are dispersed and the institutions, goods and services are still controlled by whites. In effect, the two are the same. But under separatism, black people will control their own turf.”[25] And, “We no longer want or seek integration. Integration ends up being almost as obnoxious to both blacks and whites as segregation.”[26] And, “Integration is a total failure. We must continue as a separate entity.”[27] And, “In America today there are two kinds of black people — the field-hand blacks and the ‘house niggers.’ We of CORE — the nationalists — are the field-hand blacks. The integrationists of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People are ‘house niggers.’”[28] According to Innis, the “house niggers” are mostly mulattoes of various degrees, who preferred living in the white world over living in the black world. [The “house niggers” have won in the political arena. However, as the United States disintegrate into multiracial multiculturalism, the field hand blacks are prevailing by segregating themselves from the social suicide of whites. When the Latinos, i.e., Indians and mestizoes mostly from Central America, reach a critical point, the “house niggers’” political victories will be overthrown. Then blacks will be fortunate to sit in the bus’ backseat as the Latinos may not even let them on the bus.])
        James Jackson: a Negro, a Communist,[29] Communist party secretary in charge of Negro and Southern Affairs,[30] a member of the World Peace Council (a Soviet-controlled front organization).
        LeRoi Jones: a Negro, poet, playwright, essayist, member of the Republic of New Africa cabinet, leader of the 1967 riot in Newark (Jones wrote, “We [blacks] must eliminate the white man before we will ever be able to draw a free breath on this planet.”[31] And, “We [blacks] must make our own world, man, and we cannot do this unless the white man is dead. Let’s get together and kill him.”[32] And, “I don’t see anything wrong with hating white people.”[33])
        Martin Luther King, Jr.: a Negro, president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee, and founder of the Students Nonviolence Coordinating Committee. (See the Part 3 for more information on King.)
        Stanley Levison: white, a Communist,[34] liaison between the Communist party and the Soviet Union, involved in In Friendship, one of King’s top advisors in the 1960s. (Coretta Scott King, King’s wife, described Levison’s importance to her husband and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference: “Always working in the background, his contribution has been indispensable.”[35] Also, she wrote that Levison was one of her husband’s “most devoted and trusted friends.”[36])
        John Lewis: a Negro, a founder and leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, an organizing member of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, and advocated the communist position on the Negro Question. (Lewis urged “those of us involved in the freedom fight to bring about confrontations between the federal government and the state governments of the South.”[37])
        Lincoln Lynch: a Negro, associated director of the Congress of Racial Equality. (Lynch remarked, “If America doesn’t come around, we’re gonna burn it down.”[38])
        Floyd B. McKissick: a Negro, general council and later national director (1966-1967) of Congress of Racial Equality, a leader of the 1963 March on Washington, an advocate of black power achieved through revolutionary means. (McKissick remarked, “Forget about civil rights. I’m talking about black power.”[39] [Thus, he reveals what Negroes really want: It is not integration per se; it is power.] And, “Negroes are not geared to nonviolence.”[40] He advised whites, “If you want to help, keep your mouth shut and get out of my way.”[41])
        Malcolm X: a Negro, Black Muslim leader, founder and chairman of the Organization of Afro-American Unity.
        Thurgood Marshall: a Negro, counsel for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, director and counsel of the Legal Defense and Educational Fund, U.S. circuit court judge, U.S. Solicitor General, U.S. supreme court justice. (Before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Marshal said, “I want you to understand that when the colored people take over, every time the white man draws a breath, he’ll have to pay a fine.”[42] [For the Senate to approve the nomination for the Supreme Court of someone who expressed such hatred for people because of their race makes one wonder what the ruling elite had on these Senators. If a white nominee ever said anything resembling this remark, he would be persona non grata for life.] About Marshall’s appointment to the Supreme Court, Representative Joe Waggoner commented, “I suppose we should be thankful it was not Stokely Carmichael who go the job.”[43])
        Elijah Muhammad: a Negro, Black Muslim leader.
        Huey P. Newton: a Negro, cofounder of the Black Panther party, neighborhood organizer in Oakland for the Office of Economic Opportunity, Peace and Freedom party candidate for Congress.
        Hunter Pitts O’Dell: a Negro, a high-level Communist,[44] King’s secretary, executive director of Southern Christian Leadership Conference, organizer of the Communist party in New Orleans, associate editor of the Communist party’s propaganda magazine Freedomways, member of the World Peace Council (a Soviet-controlled front organization).
        William L. Patterson: a Negro, a Communist,[45] executive secretary of the Civil Rights Congress.
        Philip Randolph: a Negro, first chairman of the National Negro Congress, national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee, affiliated with at least 20 communist organizations.[46]
        Bayard Rustin: a Negro, a Communist,[47] an organizer of Young Communist League (an arm of the Communist party), organizer of the 1947 Freedom Ride Through the South, King’s secretary (1955-1960) and advisor, an organizer the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, organizer of King’s 1958 March on Washington (which was a project of the Communist party[48]), leader of the 1963 March on Washington, a field secretary for Congress of Racial Equality. (Rustin suggested “that more bloody Negro suffering should be encouraged so that squeamish Northern Negroes would be horrified into line. . . .”[49])
        Bobby G. Seale: a Negro, cofounder and chairman of the Black Panther party, helped incite the riot during the 1968 Democratic Convention, organizer for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and member of the Afro-American Association.
        Fred Shuttlesworth: a Negro, correspondence secretary and then vice-president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, president of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, leader of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, and a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee.
        Susan Sontag: white, a birth mother of the revolution of the 1960s. (Sontag remarked, “The white race is the cancer of human history.”[50])
        Sterling Tucker: a Negro, head of the Washington Urban League of the National Urban League. (Tucker stated, “I view rioting as a tool of communication that more and more people will accept. Man needs to be heard, needs people to respond to him.”[51])
        Wyatt Tee Walker: a Negro, King’s chief of staff. (Walker declared, “If the Negro is to be given equality, our whole economy will have to be changed — probably to some sort of socialism.”[52])
        Andrew D. Weinberger: white, a national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, treasurer of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (a highly active communist organization[53]).
        Roy Wilkins: a Negro, executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, affiliated with at least seven communist organizations,[54] sponsor of a joint meeting of the communist League against War and Fascism and the communist-controlled American Friends of the Chinese People in 1937. (Gannon described Wilkins as follows:

            Wilkins is undoubtedly one of the suavest spokesmen for Negroes in the civil rights area. He does preach nonviolence as a tactic, but at the same time, lards his speeches with references to police brutality and lynching and three-hundred-years-of-deprivation — just enough to keep militants from rejecting him. As for riots, Wilkins is extremely careful never to blame Negroes for instigating them and he characterizes riots as a “grass roots revolt” against conditions imposed upon Negroes. He never hints that anarchists, Communists, and black revolutionaries are conspiring to cause riots. And whatever solutions he offers to Negroes’ problems inevitably entails large expenditures of money by the federal government.[55])

        Aubrey Williams: white, a Communist,[56] president of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, and director of the National Youth Administration under President Franklin Roosevelt. (King noted that Aubrey Williams was “one of the noble personalities of our time.”[57])
        Robert F. Williams: a Negro, a Communist,[58] a leader of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, cofounder and chairman-in-exile of the Revolution Action Movement, a founder of the communist Fair Play for Cuba Committee, a founder of the Black Liberation Front, a propagandist for Fidel Castro and Mao Tse-tung (Mao Zedong). (Williams declared “‘RAM and Black Panthers share a common objective’: guerilla warfare.”[59] Williams described Mao as “our great leader and teacher, the architect of people’s warfare.”[60])
        Max Yergan: a Negro, a Communist,[61] president of the National Negro Congress, and writer for the communist Sunday Worker.
        Andrew Young: a Negro, trained at Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee.
        Whitney M. Young: a Negro, head of the National Urban League, presented himself as nonviolent to gain the support of (guilt-ridden) white liberals and (cowardly) white conservatives and then promoted black power.
    All these men were Communists or communist sympathizers.
    Manning Johnson, a former Communist and a Negro, describes black civil rights leaders as:

    The utter bankruptcy of the Negro intelligentsia is startlingly evident by reason of the absence of any strong and dramatic movement for genuine Negro organization, leadership and thinking. Deep in the swamp of inferiority, lack of ability, muddled thought, the Negro intelligentisiam [sic] looks to the phoney white liberals, politicians and progressive hypocrites for leadership, guidance and money. These “whites” are carriers of “isms” other than Americanism which spreads like an epidemic in the ranks of the hapless Negro intellectuals. Due to the lack of race pride, there is no immunity.[62]

    Johnson cites some things that the Communist led civil rights movement has accomplished for the Negro:

    [It has made the Negro:]
    (a) feel sorry for himself;
    (b) blame others for his failures;
    (c) ignore the countless opportunities around him;
    (d) jealous of the progress of other racial and national groups;
    (e) expect the white man to do everything for him;
    (f) look for easy and quick solutions as a substitute for the harsh realities of   competitive struggle to get ahead.
        The result is a persecution complex — a warped belief that the white man’s prejudices, the white man’s system, the white man’s government is responsible for everything. . . .[63]

At least the civil rights movement has given blacks an excuse for all their failures: racism.

Endnotes

1. Henry Makow, “Is Plan for Racial Strife Another Hoax?”, http://henrymakow.com/the_book_the_bankers_made_disa.html accessed June 13, 2008. Willie Martin, “Do You Care?” http://www.israelect.com/reference/WillieMartin/Inter-88.htm, accessed Feb. 24, 2015.

2. “Chapter 4. Communism and Racial Tension,” The Modern History Project, http://www.modernhistoryproject.org/mhp/ArticleDisplay.php ?Article=FinalWarn04, accessed Nov. 5, 2005.

3. Alan Stang, It’s Very Simple; The True Story of Civil Rights (Belmont, Massachusetts: Western Islands, 1965), p. 31.

4. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 31.

5. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, III (1972), p. 218.

6. Samuel Francis and Jesse Helms, The King Holiday and Its Meaning (1983,1998.), p. 29.

7. William P. Hoar, “Inside FBI Files on the Reverend Martin Luther King,” Conservative Digest, reprint.

8. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, I (1969), p. 188.

9. Gannon, I, p. 261. Alan Stang, “Forced Bussing: Crisis in Boston,” American Opinion, June 1975, p. 2.

10. Gannon, I, pp. 269-270.

11. John A. Stormer, The Death of a Nation (Florissant, Missouri: Liberty Bell Press, 1968), p. 27.

12. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 87.

13. Gary Allen, “Detroit,” American Opinion, April 1970, p. 3.

14. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, II, pp. 276-277.

15. Allen, “Detroit,” p. 7. Gannon, III, p. 296.

16. Allen, “Detroit,” p. 7.

17. Manning Johnson, Color, Communism and Common Sense (1958, Rpt. Belmont, Massachusetts: Robert Welsh, Inc., 1963) p. 9.

18. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 102.

19. Gannon, I, p. 140. Gannon, III, p. 338. Stang, It’s Very Simple, pp. 45, 129.

20. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 129.

21. Gannon, I, p. 141. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left IV (1973), p. 337.

22. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 77.

23. Gannon, III, p. 420. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 75.

24. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 129.

25. Gannon, III, p. 462.

26. Gannon, III, p. 462.

27. Gannon, III, p. 463.

28. Gannon, III, p. 464.

29. Johnson, p. 9.

30. Francis and Helms, p. 7. Johnson, p. 9.

31. Gannon, II, p. 434.

32. Gannon, II, p. 434.

33. Stormer, p. 32.

34. Francis and Helms, pp. 19ff. Paul Scott. “Marting Luther King Jr. and the Tapes,” Dec.1978, p. 13.

35. Francis and Helms, p. 21.

36. Francis and Helms, p. 21.

37. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 185.

38. Gannon, I, p. 45.

39. Gannon, I, p. 45.

40. Gannon, I, p. 45.

41. Gannon, I, p. 450.

42. Gannon, I, p. 439.

43. Gannon, I, p. 438.

44. Francis and Helms, pp. 7, 25-26. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 105.

45. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 94.

46. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

47. Gannon, I, p. 51.

48. Gannon, I, p. 518.

49. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 107.

50. Patrick J. Buchanan, The Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigratant Invasion Imperial Our Country and Civilization (New York, New York: Thomas Dunne Books, St. Martin’s Griffin, 2002), pp. 55, 71, 217.

51. Gannon, I, p. 613.

52. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 145.

53. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

54. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

55. Gannon, I, p. 594.

56. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 101.

57. Hoar, “FBI Files.”

58. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 68.

59. David Emerson Gumaer, “The Panthers,” American Opinion, April 1970, p. 5.

60. Gannon, II, p. 587.

61. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 86.

62. Johnson, p. 61.

63. Johnson, p. 44.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Part 2

More articles on social issues.