Yankees Need the South

Yankees Need the South

Thomas Allen

Yankees need the South and Southerners, but Southerners do not need Yankees. Furthermore, Southerners are better off without Yankees. 

Yankees are extremely self-righteous, arrogant, hypocritical, greedy, disagreeable, and bossy. They possess the typical Puritan attitude: they lust to remake America and the world into the perfect image of themselves. (For more descriptions of the Yankee, see “The Yankee,” “The Puritan Yankee,” and “Cusson’s Description of the Yankee” by Thomas Allen.)

Although many Northerners are not real Yankees, many, unfortunately, have become Yankeefied. Likewise, many scalawag Southerners have become Yankeefied. (Most governors of Southern States have been Yankeefied: Examples are Nikki Haley of South Carolina and Roy Cooper of North Carolina. Two recent Southern governors are real Yankees: George Bush and Jeb Bush.)

Because of their need for Southerners, Yankees could not let the South go in 1861 and cannot let them go today. Furthermore, Yankees believe that the solution to America’s problems is to rule the South with an iron fist.

Yankees have a psychological need for the “Lost Cause” of the Confederacy.  Could it be that Yankees know in their hearts that the leaders of the Confederacy were morally and ethically superior to Lincoln and the leaders of the North? Yankees needed and still need the “Myth of the Lost Cause” to reassure themselves that Southerners were and still are fiendish, diabolical, and abominable to justify their power, privilege, and amour propre.

Being void of virtue, Yankees need to steal virtue from others. Since the South is part of the American empire, stealing virtue from the South is convenient and easy. Thus, every good thing that comes out of the South is not really Southern; it is American, i.e., Northern, especially New England.

Moreover, Yankees need to belittle Southerners to feed their self-esteem. Without having Southerners to disparage, Yankees would be nothing. Thus, Yankees view themselves as righteous and Southerners as evil.

Although Yankees have lure and ideology, Yankeedom has no civilization; they have no culture. Therefore, they need the South to provide them with a culture.

Sanctimonious Yankees need Southerners so that they can have someone to whom feel superior. Condemning the South gives Yankees a sense of identity and importance because they feel superior to Southerners.

Additionally, Yankees need a scapegoat to blame for their sins and failures.  Being part of the American empire makes the South a convenient scapegoat. Consequently, every undesirable thing that happens in the North, such as racial strife in Northern cities, results from the sins of the South. Yankees blame Southerners for the racial hatred and social pathologies in the North. Moreover, they blame Southerners for the evil that Yankees have caused. Thus, all economic, social, and psychological problems are the fault of Southerners. Needing someone to blame for their failures, Yankees blame Southerners.

No Yankee is going to let the truth detour his hatred of and hostility toward Southerners, whether they are reconstructed or remain unreconstructed.

Appendix

In America, two primary branches of Protestantism compete with each other. They are the Yankee religion and the Southern religion.

The Yankee religion is Calvinist and Puritan, that is, disciplined, communal, and focused on the purification of the community. It places evil in the object, e.g., drugs, guns, and the living environment. Thus, it seeks power and stresses social improvement. Being on the right side of history is a personal virtue. Out of the Yankee religion have come abolitionism, millennialism, progressivism, prohibition, feminism, the civil rights movement, neoconservatism, political correctness, social justice, wokeism, and Antifa. Furthermore, it is the parent of the the concept of "the city on the hill.”  Usually, the sermons of the Yankee religion are on current events.

The Southern religion is spiritually Anglican, although it is not structurally Anglican. That is, it is folkish and focuses on the individual and his soul. It places evil in the hearts of men. Thus, it seeks sanctification and manifests in a person’s private life, and goes unnoticed by intellectuals and historians. It stresses faith and piety with the notion of a Christian gentleman. A virtuous person is valuable to his fellow man. Usually, the sermons of the Southern religion are on salvation.

The Yankee religion represents worldly power and prestige more than does the Southern religion.

Reference

Wilson, Clyde N. Defending Dixie: Essays in Southern History and Culture. Second edition. Columbia, South Carolina: Stonewall Publishing LLC: 2005, 2025.

Copyright © 2026 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Some Observations Pertaining to Race

Some Observations Pertaining to Race

Thomas Allen

 

Discussed below are the option of racial separation, the social construct of the races, school integration, and the future of the American Negro.

Many Whites are racial nihilists and pretend to be Negrophiles. (One cannot be a racial nihilist and at the same time be a Negrophile. A racial nihilist claims that race is irrelevant, while a Negrophile claims to love Negroes, which requires the relevancy of Negroes.) In reality, White racial nihilists hate Whites and have no qualms about annihilating the American Negro if their annihilation results in the genocide of Whites.

Racial Separation Is Not an Option

In “Mamdani’s Commie Housing Official Is a Lunatic,” January 7, 2026, (https://amac.us/newsline/politics/mamdanis-commie-housing-official-is-a-lunatic/?utm_objective=website_traffic&dderh=4b6c02be5961e5a13b9d052b0611dda2), the author wrote, “There are many policy options available to the voters of this country, but communism and racial separation are not among them.” If racial separation is a policy option not available to the voters of this country, then racial amalgamation is the policy forced on the country. Racial amalgamation is genocide of the races, as the races cease to exist when amalgamated. Why does this author hate the American Negro so much that he wants to genocide them? (See “Miscegenation Is Genocide” by Thomas Allen.)

Furthermore, the author writes, “This is not a communist country, and our system is not compatible with communism’s demands.” For a country that is not communist, the United States have gone a long way toward implementing the ten planks of the Communist Manifesto. The United States have adopted about 80 percent of these planks (five fully and five partially). The country may not be a fully communist country, but it is almost there. (See “Are the United States a Communist Country?” by Thomas Allen.)

Are the Races Social Constructs?

Many left-wingers and brainwashed right-wingers who want to be politically correct claim that the human races are social constructs and do not exist biologically. If the human races are social constructs, how can dogs distinguish a Black person from a White person without ever seeing the person? Furthermore, bacteria, which know even less about human racial constructs than do dogs, can distinguish a Black person from a White person. Different odor-causing bacteria grow on Blacks than grow on Whites. For this reason, dogs can differentiate between the races.

Furthermore, and even more shockingly, computers can identify a person’s race from medical images. Computers must be identifying some kind of biological features that distinguish one social construct race from another, which means that races are biological rather than social constructs. (Rachel Gordon, "Artificial intelligence predicts patients' race from their medical images/' MIT News, May 20, 2022:[https://news.mit.edu/2022/artificial-intelligence-predicts-patients-race-from-medical-images-0520] and “AI recognition of patient race in medical imaging: a modelling study” [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35568690/].)

Amazingly, the blood (see “Of One Blood” by Thomas Allen) and skeletons (see “Skeleton Differences of Human Races”) of these socially constructed races differ. Even more amazingly, they differ in nonphysical characteristics. (See “Nonphysical Racial Differences” by Thomas Allen.) 

Miraculously, socially constructed races correspond almost perfectly with biological races — both physically and physiologically. It must be one of those great, inexplicable coincidences.

School Integration

Northerners and especially Yankees supported school integration in the South primarily for two reasons. First, they, especially Yankees, supported it because they hated Southerners and wanted to use Blacks to destroy them and their way of life. Second, they wanted to keep Blacks where they belonged — in the South. If they integrated schools in the South but not in the North, fewer Blacks would migrate to the North. (Initially, federal integration laws were written to apply only where segregation was statutory [in the South] and not where segregation was customary [in the North]. Unfortunately for the North, judges started doing what they always do and ignored the parts of the law with which they disliked and started applying integration laws in the North.) Almost no Northerners, especially Yankees, were concerned about the welfare of Blacks. Blacks were merely weapons to destroy the South. Now, the monster that they created is destroying all of White America, as Whites have become second-class citizens in the country that they created.

Future of the American Negro

When Hispanics allied with East Asians and South Asians reach critical mass, Whites will, most likely, remain second-class citizens. However, Blacks will be demoted to fifth-class citizens. Unfortunately for Blacks, they will not be able to control this alliance with false guilt, as they have controlled Whites. The typical Hispanic, East Asian, and South Asian has less use for Blacks than the stereotypical Klansman.

Under White supremacy, Blacks were at least allowed on the bus, although they were usually restricted to the rear of the bus. Under the nonwhite-nonblack supremacy, they may not even be allowed on the bus.

Copyright © 2026 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Rothbard on Lincoln’s War

Rothbard on Lincoln’s War

Thomas Allen

In “Just War,” which is based on a talk given in May 1994 and posted in March 2012 (https://www.lewrockwell.com/1970/01/murray-n-rothbard/whats-a-just-war/), Murray Rothbard explains that the War for Southern Independence (Lincoln’s War) was a just war on the part of the South and an unjust war on the part of the North. (Rothbard [1926-1995] was a libertarian economist of the Austrian School, economic historian, and political theorist. He was a proponent of anarcho-capitalism and part of the post-World War II Old Right.)

Rothbard states that “a just war exists when a people tries to ward off the threat of coercive domination by another people, or to overthrow an already-existing domination. A war is unjust, on the other hand, when a people try to impose domination on another people, or try to retain an already existing coercive rule over them.” He identifies two just wars that Americans fought: the American Revolution and the War for Southern Independence.

The South was trying to free itself from the North’s oppressive domination — therefore, a just war on the part of the South. On the other hand, the North was trying to maintain its dominance over the South — therefore, an unjust war on the part of the North.

Before Lincoln’s War, a chief principle of war was not to target civilians. Sherman, Sheridan, and other Northern generals targeted civilians. The Union army often looted and deliberately destroyed civilian property that had no military value. When Lee’s army invaded the North, he ordered his troops not to molest civilians.

Like Americans during the American Revolution, Southerners believed that sovereignty resided in the people. They delegated certain sovereign powers to the governing authority, and their delegation was voluntary and contractual. As such, they could withdraw that sovereignty anytime that the governing authority had violated its trust. Thus, government was a contractual arrangement — “consent of the governed.” Some divine hand from above did not impose it. When the 13 States, whose governments had been created by the people thereof, ratified the Constitution of 1789, they did not bind themselves perpetually to it or the Union formed under it. Being sovereign republics, they reserved the right to withdraw from the Union if they found that the government created by the Constitution continuously violated it.

After years of the federal government threatening and assaulting Southern institutions, the Southern States “exercise their natural, contractual, and constitutional right to withdraw, to ‘secede’ from that Union.” Then, as sovereign republics, they contracted with other Southern States to form the Confederate States of America. Thus, just as the American Revolution was just, so was the War for Southern Independence. For the same reasons that the American colonies seceded from the British Empire, so did the Southern States secede from the Union formed under the Constitution of 1789.

Just as the American colonies rebelled against “the taxing power: the systematic plunder of their property by the British government,” so did the Southern States rebel against the systematic plunder of their property by the federal government. A principal grievance of the South was the protective tariffs that the North had imposed. These tariffs were used to protect inefficient Northern industries. Consequently, they forced Southerners to pay higher prices for manufactured goods. Also, these tariffs threaten to reduce Southern exports. Moreover, the South paid most of the tariffs, and the North received most of the appropriations and monopolistic Northern industries.

Not only did most Northerners want to continue plundering the South via tariffs, but others, the Yankees, also wanted to purge the South and remake it in the Yankee image. Yankees had a Puritan mentality and were driven by postmillennialism. (Before Christ returns, “man must set up a thousand-year Kingdom of God on Earth.”) Consequently, Yankees must cleanse society of sin and create a perfect society. “Moreover, if you didn’t try your darndest to stamp out sin by force you yourself would not be saved.” Further, the coercive power of government was an essential tool in cleansing the world of sin. For these Yankees, sin was anything “which might interfere with a person’s free will to embrace salvation.” They were abolitionists and prohibitionists and opposed Catholicism. Governments must stamp out the evils of slavery, alcohol and tobacco, gambling, most entertainment, and Catholicism.[1] Thus, they promoted paternalistic government at the federal, State, and local levels.

Like most Northerners, Yankees promoted governmental paternalism in economic affairs. They supported “the Whig program of statism and big government: protective tariffs, subsidies to big business, strong central government, large-scale public works, and cheap credit spurred by government.”

Also, Yankees opposed personal liberties, States’ rights, minimal government, free markets, and free trade — the basic principles of the Democratic Party at that time. Consequently, they supported the Republican Party, which was the “party of great moral ideas,” i.e., the stamping-out of sin.

To the delight of the Yankees, “The Northern war against slavery partook of fanatical millennialist fervor, of a cheerful willingness to uproot institutions, to commit mayhem and mass murder, to plunder and loot and destroy, all in the name of high moral principle and the birth of a perfect world.” Thus, the North fought “to maintain their coercive and unwanted rule over” the South.

Then, Rothbard compares the British during the American Revolution to the North during Lincoln’s War. “The British, at least, were fighting on behalf of a cause which, even if wrong and unjust, was coherent and intelligible: that is, the sovereignty of a hereditary monarch.” What was the North’s excuse? It had no allegiance to a real, actual person like a king. Its allegiance was “to a nonexistent, mystical, quasi-divine alleged entity, ‘the Union.’” Unlike a king, one cannot evaluate a Union’s deeds, and the Union is accountable to no one. Thus, Northerners replaced the Union formed under the Constitution of 1789, which was “a contractual institution that can either be cleaved to or scrapped,” with “a divinized entity, which must be worshipped, and which must be permanent, unquestioned, all-powerful.”

Using the cause of “human rights,” modern-day supporters of Lincoln’s War support and glorify his war. Lincoln “goes forth and rights the wrong of slavery, doing so through mass murder, the destruction of institutions and property, and the wreaking of havoc which has still not disappeared.” Yet, all other countries ended slavery without war.

Endnote

1. Most of the sins on which Yankees focused were vices. (Vice sins are sins that injure the sinner and his family but do not generally injure others.) For the most part, they not only ignored but also often supported sins that injured others, such as homicide (offensive wars), looting the public treasury (subsidies), and forcing the common people to pay higher prices (tariffs), often for lower quality goods. Many frequently supported business dealings where merchants took advantage of ignorant customers. Most did not object to debtors cheating creditors with depreciating fiat money — then the two largest debtors were banks and governments. As for slavery, they objected to the ownership of slaves. However, they had little issue with transporting and selling slaves, as many Yankees became rich trafficking slaves. Moreover, when the Northern States emancipated slaves, most Yankees sold their slaves instead of freeing them.

Copyright © 2025 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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King on a Tough Mind and a Tender Heart

King on a Tough Mind and a Tender Heart

Thomas Allen

In “A Tough Mind and a Tender Heart,” Strength to Love (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1963, 2010), pages 1–9, Martin Luther King, Jr. discusses tough-mindedness, soft-mindedness, and tenderheartedness. The following is a critical review of King’s essay.

King begins with what makes a man strong: “The strong man holds in a living blend strongly marked opposites.” (P. 1.) Accordingly, a strong man is the synthesis of opposites. (Needless to say, King considered himself a strong man.)

King envisioned himself as following Jesus’ directions in Matthew 10:16. He saw himself as being as tough as the serpent but as soft as the dove. So, naturally, he saw himself as having a tough mind and a tender heart. (He had neither. He may have had a stubborn mind, but it was dull. Moreover, he displayed little tenderness toward Southerners and especially segregationists.)

Then, King discusses the characteristics of a tough mind: “incisive thinking, realistic appraisal, and decisive judgment.” (P. 2.) Furthermore, a tough mind is sharp, astute, and discerning. It breaks “through the crust of legends and myths and sifting the true from the false.” (In short, a tough mind requires a level of intelligence and intellect that King lacked. A good example of people who lack a tough mind is those who idolize King. They cannot break “through the crust of legends and myths sifting the true from the false.”)

Correctly, King remarks that a tough mind is one of man’s greatest needs. (Unfortunately, a tough mind is almost absent in Whites concerning race.)

King writes, “Nothing pains some people more than having to think.” (He is being generous. He should have written, “Nothing pains most people more than having to think.”)

Continuing, King notes that gullibility is a sign of a weak mind. (An example of weak-minded gullible people is those who believe the government’s and the establishment media’s lies and propaganda about COVID-19 and its so-called vaccine.)

Correctly, King remarks that “authentic channels of information— the press, the platform, and in many instances the pulpit—do not give us objective and unbiased truth.” (P. 3.) (This claim is even more true today. Few people critically judge what they read and hear to discern fact from fiction. People who idolize King are a good example. Moreover, King illustrates that he lacks the toughness of mind to discern — for example, his reliance on Communists.)

Turning to the soft-minded man, King writes “The soft-minded man always fears change. He feels security in the status quo, and he has an almost morbid fear of the new.” (P.3.) For King, most Southerners and all segregationists were soft-minded. Soft-minded people prefer ignorance to knowledge. (Thus, soft-minded people do not see the world as King thinks that they should. Hence, integrationists are tough-minded, and segregationists are soft-minded.)

Then, King notes that dictators manipulate soft-minded people with emotions to submit to the dictators’ will. (King and other civil rights leaders used emotions to incite their followers, both Black and White, because they knew that their followers were soft-minded people.)

Next, King remarks, “Soft mindedness is one of the basic causes of race prejudice.” (P.4.) On the other hand, tough-minded people evaluate the facts before they reach a conclusion — they postjudge. Soft-minded people reach a conclusion before they evaluate the facts — they prejudge. He writes, “Race prejudice is based on groundless fears, suspicions, and misunderstandings.” (P. 5.) (Consequently, King proves that Southerners are tough-minded people concerning racial issues. Instead of prejudging, Southerners postjudge. Having lived, worked, and associated with Negroes for more than 400 years, Southerners have more than 400 years of experience with and knowledge of the Negro. Their knowledge of the Negro far exceeds that of Northern integrationists. Therefore, Southerners are void of racial prejudices. Since integrationists judge Southerners and segregationists before examining the facts, they are soft-minded people; they prejudge and are, therefore, prejudiced.)

Continuing, King asserts that segregationists, whom he considers soft-minded people, want to perpetuate segregation “because Negroes lag behind [Whites] in academic, health, and moral standards.” (P. 5.) According to King, segregation and discrimination caused Negroes to lag behind Whites in academic, health, and moral standards. (After more than 50 years of integration where Negroes have received vastly more benefits and privileges than Whites ever had during the height of Jim Crow and White supremacy, Negroes still lag behind in academic, health, and moral standards. Consequently, the soft-minded people, according to King, were correct and the tough-minded people were wrong. Whatever caused Negroes to lag was not segregation or discrimination.)

(A tough-minded person would have studied the facts and discerned that the shortcomings of Negroes were innate. Segregation did not cause them, so integration would not eliminate them. Consequently, King proves himself to be soft-minded for failing to realize that genetics causes the Negro’s problem and not segregation. However, if King knew it, he was hypocritically deceiving his followers.)

Next, King discusses tenderheartedness. “Tough mindedness without tenderheartedness is cold and detached. . . . The hardhearted person never truly loves.” (Pp. 5-6.) 

A hardhearted person is a utilitarian who values people according to their usefulness to him. “He is unmoved by the pains and afflictions of his brothers.” (P. 6.) (King, his followers, and integrationists in general were unmoved by the pains and afflictions that they brought upon Southerners. Many even enjoyed causing Southerners pain and afflictions. Therefore, they were hardhearted people.)

King notes that hardhearted people may give to charity, but they never give their spirit. “The hardhearted individual never sees people as people, but rather as mere objects or as impersonal cogs in an ever-turning wheel.” (P. 6.) (King insinuates that Southerners who opposed integration did not care about their Negro neighbors. Otherwise, they would have integrated with them. They merely saw Negroes as cheap labor.  Only, Northerners, especially Northern integrationists, saw Negroes as real people who were equal to Whites. On the contrary, Southerners saw Negroes as real, concrete people. Northern integrationists saw Negroes as abstractions. They were merely tools to execute their Dixiephobic war to genocide Southerners. While most Southerners personally interact with Negroes daily, many Northerners may not personally interact with Negroes for a week or more. According to King’s description of hardheartedness, Northerners were more hardhearted than Southerners.)

Continuing, King writes, “To have serpentlike qualities devoid of dovelike qualities is to be passionless, mean, and selfish. To have dovelike without serpentlike qualities is to be sentimental, anemic, and aimless.” (P. 6.) The two need to be combined. (King’s serpent-like qualities far outweighed his dove-like qualities.)

Finally, King writes, that Negroes “cannot win the respect of the white people of the South or elsewhere if we are willing to trade the future of our children for our personal safety and comfort.” (P. 7.) (Negroes succeeded in destroying the respect that Whites had for the White race. Consequently, Negroes failed to gain the respect of Whites. People who cannot respect their own race cannot respect others.)

Concluding, King urges his (so-called) “nonviolent resistance, which combines tough mindedness and tenderheartedness and avoids the complacency and do-nothingness of the soft minded and the violence and bitterness of the hardhearted.” (P. 7.) (King’s tactics were not nonviolent. They were designed to cause violent reactions, and were highly successful in achieving violent responses to provocations — so much for tenderheartedness.)

In closing, King compares himself and his “nonviolent” tactics to God. The Bible shows God’s “tough mindedness in his justice and wrath and his tenderheartedness in his love and grace.” (P. 8.)

Copyright © 2024 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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King on the Dilemma of Negro America – Part 2

King on the Dilemma of Negro America – Part 2 

Thomas Allen

While King was a strong proponent of providing Negroes with better housing, he opposed urban renewal. (Much of urban renewal was done in the name of providing Negroes with better housing.) He laments that Negroes in the Chicago ghettos had sacrificed to save enough money to buy a house in the ghetto. Then the Urban Renewal Authority claimed their houses, not because they were substandard but because it wanted the land for a shopping center. Moreover, it paid less for some houses than the purchase price. Needless to say, such acts increased the bitterness of Negroes. (Apparently, King failed to realize that such urban renewal was a natural outgrowth of the despotic government that he advocated — especially since he preached that Whites needed to provide Negroes with better houses.)

About urban renewal projects, King complains that “the democratic process breaks down, for the rights of the individual voter are impossible to organize without adequate funds, while the business community supplies the existing political machine with enough funds to organize massive campaigns and control mass media.” (Pp. 124-125.) (Why did not King’s SCLC, other civil rights organizations, and Negrophilic White liberals come to the aid of these people and pressure the city to reverse its decision? After all, they had mustered enough resources to bring than the South.) King blamed this destruction of Negro houses on Northern ambivalence about the civil rights movement. (These Northerners were not ambivalent. Civil rights and related laws were to apply only in the South and never in the North.)

King reveals Northern and Western hypocrisy with their fervent opposition to open housing legislation. He writes, “Nothing today more clearly indicates the residue of racism still lodging in our society than the responses of white America to integrated housing.” (P. 125.) Continuing, King writes that opposition to open housing is based on “the fear that the alleged depravity or defective nature of the out-race will infiltrate the neighborhood of the in-race.” (P. 125.) (Generally, when the number of Negro families moving into a White neighborhood reaches a certain, but small, percent, that neighborhood begins to deteriorate toward the level of the neighborhood from which the Negroes fled. Consequently, this fear of depravity or defective nature of Negroes does have some foundation.)

King argues that opposition to Negroes moving to White neighborhoods is based on race and not moral character. After all, “professional white hoodlums and racketeers are located in the best neighborhoods of Cicero is fit proof that the opposition to open housing is not based on behavior or moral standards.” (P. 125.) (True, White criminals live in White neighborhoods. However, statistically, Whites are much less likely to be hoodlums or criminals. Statistically, Negroes are more likely to be rowdy and people of low moral standards. Nevertheless, King is partially right, race is at least part of the reason because most people prefer living among people of the same race.)

Continuing, King maintains that each person should be judged by “his individual culture, brilliance and character. . . . To the racist . . .  every Negro, lacks individuality” (Pp. 125-126.) (Never did King practice what he preached. Never did he judge each individual Southerner by his individual culture, brilliance, and character. He just lumped them together as vile, evil, despicable, degraded degenerates. Never once did he make any effort to discover my parents’, grandparents’, aunts’, and uncles’ individual culture, brilliance, and character. He just lumped them in with all other Southerners. Thus, he judged by ethnicity and not by character.)

Then, King discusses real estate brokers. Shrewdly and subtly, they used the “racist doctrine [from the slavery era] to justify the profitable real estate business.” (P. 126.) They thrived by keeping the housing market closed. “Going into white neighborhoods where a few Negroes have moved in, they urge the whites to leave because their property values will depreciate.” (P. 126.) (Therefore, real estate brokers were the cause of White flight — so King claims.) They made huge profits from relocating Whites and from Negroes moving in.

Next, King states, “Many whites who oppose open housing would deny that they are racists.” (P. 126.) (First, by definition, all Whites are racist [racism is in their genes] and to claim that one is not a racist is proof that one is a racist. Moreover, since race precedes the cultural environment, race creates the cultural environment in which it lives. However, the cultural environment may influence the race once it is created. Furthermore, some races are connately more inclined toward criminal activity than others — probably because of genetic hormonal differences. Genetics has given some races greater intelligence and intellectual capabilities than others. Genetics also influence personality, temperament, character, etc. Thus, genetics has a great deal of influence on the cultural environment that a race creates. Consequently, people of one race not wanting people of other races polluting their cultural environment is not irrational or hateful.)

King writes “When Negroes move into a neighborhood and whites refuse to flee, property values are more likely to increase. It is only when blockbusting takes place and whites begin to move out that property values decrease.” (P. 126.) (What King inadvertently shows is that Whites keep property values up, and Negroes bring them down.)

Continuing, King remarks “that many white Americans oppose open housing because they unconsciously, and often consciously, feel that the Negro is innately inferior, impure, depraved and degenerate.” (P. 127.) (The last 50 years of open housing have done more to prove these Whites right than to prove them wrong.)

About Negro employment, King complains, “Some of the most tragic figures in our society now are the Negro company vice presidents who sit with no authority or influence because they were merely employed for window dressing in an effort to win the Negro market or to comply with federal regulations in Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.” (P. 127.) (The reason that these Negro vice presidents had no authority was that they were incompetent. Still, not much has changed since then. Most Negroes in high-ranking jobs in corporations and especially governments hold their jobs because of their race and not because of their competence or capabilities. Competent Negroes who fill such positions work under the suspicion that they got the job because of race and not merit. Such is the penalty of affirmative action, quotas, etc.)

Then, King describes what it is like to be a Negro in America. (His description comes close to describing what is happening to today’s Southerners.)

King condemns the notion of “a separate black state or a separate black nation within the nation. This approach is the most cynical and nihilistic of all, because it is based on a loss of faith in the possibilities of American democracy.” (P. 130.) (Thus, King lacks confidence in Negroes governing themselves. They need White succor and rule to overcome their deficiencies — so King implies. Haiti and cities governed by Negroes support King’s lack of confidence in the Negro’s ability to govern competently.)

Also, King objects to Negroes trying to lighten their skin and straighten their hair so that they may look more like White people. He was an adherent of “Black is beautiful.” (Yet, he wanted the descendants of Negroes to be more White by encouraging interracial marriages.)

King writes, “From the inner depths of our being we must sing with them: ‘Before I’ll be a slave, I’ll be buried in my grave and go home to my Lord and be free.’” (P. 131.) (A large number of Negroes have opposed King on this issue. They prefer being a slave of governments through the welfare state to being free.)

Then, King asserts, that the first step “that the Negro must take is to work passionately for group identity.” (P. 131.) (Yet, integration destroys group identity because it leads to amalgamation and homogenization of all groups into an indistinguishable mongrel.)

Next, King states, “Group unity necessarily involves group trust and reconciliation.” (P. 131.) (True. Today, Negroes have a strong group unity, and Whites have almost no group unity. Although Whites greatly outnumber Negroes, Negroes have presented a united front and have gotten Whites to turn on and devour each other. Consequently, the Negro defeated the White race.)

Continuing, King recognizes that Negroes would disagree with each other. However, when confronting Whites, they needed to present a united front. (For the most part, Negroes have followed King’s advice and have presented a united front against Whites. However, for nearly 90 years or so, Whites have never presented a united front against Negroes. Worse, many Whites united with Negroes against Whites. Has this White disunity made the country better?) 

Then, King condemns Negro newspapers for failing to fervently agitate for social change. He attacks Negro social and professional groups for “a preoccupation with frivolities and trivial activity.” (P. 132.)

Continuing, King writes, “that our women must be respected, and that life is too precious to be destroyed in a Saturday night brawl, or a gang execution.” (P. 133.) (Unfortunately, on this issue, too many Negroes have ignored King.)

Next, King writes, “While not ignoring the fact that the ultimate way to diminish our problems of crime, family disorganization, illegitimacy and so forth will have to be found through a government program to help the frustrated Negro male find his true masculinity by placing him on his own two economic feet, we must do all within our power to approach these goals ourselves.” (P. 133.) (Since most of these problems are as bad today, if not worse, as in the 1960s, neither governments nor Negroes have been effective in solving these problems. Yet, governments have expended enormous resources trying to solve them. Today, these problems cannot be blamed on segregation or discrimination against Negroes because they died decades ago. Nevertheless, Negroes blame their problems on slavery although slavery ended almost 160 years ago.  But, then, could the real cause of the Negro’s problems lie in his genes? In any event, Negroes need to grow up and stop acting like little children who never accept responsibility for anything.)

King discusses the advancements that young Negroes were making. (Much of the advancements that he describes occurred before the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and related laws and court orders that followed. Negro advancement before the Civil Rights Era was based on merit. Negro advancement during the Civil Rights Era is based mostly on governmental force. Many Negroes who have advanced during the Civil Rights Era are tainted. People, including themselves, do not know if their advancement is because of ability or because of race.)

Further, King was not a patient man. According to him, time was an ally of the segregationist; therefore, it was the enemy of the integrationist.

Continuing, King writes, “Equally fallacious is the notion that ethical appeals and persuasion alone will bring about justice.” (P. 137.) (Therefore, governmental force, which is usually unethical, must be used. How using unethical force brings about justice, King does not explain. Probably, in his mind, all forces that suppress segregation and institute integration are ethical.)

King remarks that ethical appeals should not be abandoned. “It simply means that those appeals must be undergirded by some form of constructive coercive power.” (P. 137.) (For the victim of coercive power, that power is hardly constructive. Besides, whether coercive power is constructive or not depends on perspective. A segregationist may consider governmental force used to enforce segregation as a constructive coercive power, but King would not.)

Then, King writes that “we must agree that we will not violently destroy life or property; but we must balance this by agreeing with the person of violence that evil must be resisted.” (P. 138.) (In other words, if the community did not surrender unconditionally to King’s demands, riots or some other forms of violence would follow. To King, Southerners and segregationists were per se persons of violence.)

Next, King asserts, “The American racial revolution has been a revolution to ‘get in’ rather than to overthrow.” (P. 138.) (Negroes got in, and then they overthrew.) “We want a share in the American economy, the housing market, the educational system and the social opportunities.” (P. 138.) (Negroes have received far more than their share. Their major problem now is to protect their share from the nonwhite aliens and immigrants with whom the White oligarchs are flooding the country. Unfortunately, for the Negro, he will not be able to control them with guilt as he has controlled Whites. Moreover, most of these nonwhites have less use for the Negro than does the stereotypical Klansman.)

Further, King complains that the Constitution does not assure “the right to adequate housing, or the right to an adequate income.” (P. 138.) He insists “that every person [should] have a decent house, an adequate education and enough money to provide basic necessities for one’s family.” (P. 138.) (King may not have been a card-carrying Communist, but he certainly advocated the progressive welfare state. He had no qualms about using the force of government to steal from one group of people and give the stolen loot to another group of people. Yet, while advocating violence, King calls himself nonviolent.)

Next, King discusses what Negroes must do to achieve their goals. He states, “The use of creative tensions that broke the barriers of the South will be as indispensable in the North to obtain and extend necessary objectives.” (P. 139.) (Would the North have restrained its hatred of the South if it had known that the monster that it sent to destroy the South would turn on it?)

Then, King condemns the Negro middle class for not enthusiastically pushing King’s agenda. “It is time for the Negro haves to join hands with the Negro have-nots. . . . The relatively privileged Negro will never be what he ought to be until the underprivileged Negro is what he ought to be.” (Pp. 140-141.) (In this and other essays, King gives the impression that all Negroes lived in severe poverty and barely at a subsistent level. So, how can a Negro middle class exist? Moreover, how could a Negro middle class ever have existed under the segregation of the Jim Crow Era? [During the Jim Crow Era, the Negro middle class was growing so robustly that Stalin sent agents to destroy it.])

Finally, King tries to draw Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, Indians, and Appalachian Whites into his movement by offering them federal bribes with the War on Poverty. Then, he claims that Negroes are winning rights for themselves and “have produced substantial benefits for the whole nation.” (P. 141.) (Since the country is more divided now than at any time since 1860, what substantial benefits has King’s civil rights movement brought? Whatever they are, King-idolizing conservatives need to support them.)

Concluding, King states that “there is a need for a radical restructuring of the architecture of American society.” (P. 141.) (This goal, the Negro has achieved. So, why are they still complaining?)

King ends his essay by showing his socialist tendencies: “Our economy must become more person-centered than property- and profit-centered.” (P. 142.) (Therefore, King-idolizing conservatives need to stop promoting capitalism and start promoting socialism.)

Because of slavery and segregation, Whites have caused all the Negro’s problems; therefore, Whites should solve them — King contends. Further, Negro’s are incapable of solving their problems and governing themselves — King implies.  Moreover, integration solves all problems, heals all wounds, and leads to universal love — King maintains. How integration undoes all the damage segregation supposedly caused, King does not explain.

One thing about which King is emphatic is that regarding Negro demands, Whites should never be niggardly. Whites have followed King’s demand and have sacrificed their liberty, their property, and everything else that they have, even to genociding themselves, for the Negro.

With sacrificial and even suicidal succor from Whites, Negroes have overcome most of the handicaps that King describes. As a result, they have thoroughly defeated the Whites and are now the superior race. They have enslaved the White race to provide them with all sorts of privileges and benefits.

Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Part 1.

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King on Racism and the White Backlash – Part 2

King on Racism and the White Backlash – Part 2

Thomas Allen

Next, King discusses the American Indian. He preferred genociding the American Indians by breeding them out of existence to White driving them from their land and replacing them. 

Continuing, King writes, “Thus through two centuries a continuous indoctrination of Americans has separated people according to mythically superior and inferior qualities while a democratic spirit of equality was evoked as the national ideal.” (P. 85.) He complains about the country not going full-throttle to give the Negro whatever he wanted and demanded. (Today, the Negro has much more than King thought possible. Now, the Negro has enslaved Whites to serve and support him.)

Then, King discusses the War on Poverty and complains about not enough money being spent on Negroes.

Correctly, King writes, “There is a double standard in the enforcement of law and a double standard in the respect for particular laws.” (P. 87.) (King is right. Negroes are allowed to violate laws, especially criminal laws, more so than are Whites. Police and most governmental agencies are less likely to enforce a law against a Negro than against a White.)

King writes, “To live with the pretense that racism is a doctrine of a very few is to disarm us in fighting it frontally as scientifically unsound, morally repugnant and socially destructive.” (P. 88.) (Except for White Communists and White oligarchs, all Whites are racists.) However, he continues, “A people who began a national life inspired by a vision of a society of brotherhood can redeem itself. But redemption can come only through a humble acknowledgment of guilt and an honest knowledge of self.” (P. 88.) (Thus, only self-debasement and kowtowing to the Negro in unconditional submission, do Whites have a slight chance of redemption. [Many Whites have so humiliated and degraded themselves, but they still are not redeemed.] In other words, Negroes have to treat Whites worst than the meanest and vilest White ever treated a Negro for White even begin thinking about achieving redemption. Of course, all of this is done in the name of love.)

Next, King writes, that “all men are created equal; every man is heir to a legacy of dignity and worth; every man has rights that are neither conferred by nor derived from the state, they are God-given.” (P. 89.) (Here, King mixes truth with falsehood. Not all races are made in the image of God; only the White race is made in the image of God [see "What Race Was Adam?" by Thomas Allen.] Men are not created equal. A five-foot, fat, klutz does not have the same opportunity of becoming a professional basketball center as does a seven-foot, agile, athlete. [See “Gottfried and Equality” by Thomas Allen.]  Short, fat klutzes may have an equal opportunity to apply for a job, but genetics denies them an equal chance of getting the job. Peoples are not even equal before the law [see “The Heritage Foundation on Critical Race Theory” by Thomas Allen]. Moreover, God is not an egalitarian [see “Respecter of Persons” by Thomas Allen]. If God were an egalitarian, then all would be saved with the same rewards, or all would be condemned with the same torment.)

The first step to redemption is “the journey home, the journey to full equality, . . . [which requires] a radical reordering of national priorities.” (P. 90.) Consequently, Whites need to spend their money primarily for the benefit of Negroes. Likewise, governments need to spend the taxpayers’ money for the benefit of Negroes. A just society requires spending vast sums of money for the benefit of Negroes. If Whites pay insufficient protection money to Negroes, riots and other acts of violence will occur. (In addition to giving Negroes  all sorts of benefits and privileges that Whites never enjoyed, Whites have spent vast sums of money for the benefit of Negroes. Yet, the Negro’s lust for lucre is still not satisfied. Now, they demand trillions of dollars in reparations.)

Further, King argues that money spent on space exploration and war should be spent on the Negro. (King-idolizing conservatives need to push that money wasted on war be given to Negroes.)

Next, King comments on the struggle of Negroes to attain dignity. (Negroes may or may not have obtained dignity, but they sure have stripped many Whites and nearly all White governmental, corporate, religious, media, and academic leaders of their dignity.)

Continuing, King declares, “The Negro is no longer ashamed that he is black —  he should never have permitted himself to accept the absurd concept that white is more virtuous than black.” (P. 92.) (However, many Whites are now ashamed of being White.) Negroes should not have allowed Whites to crush them with the propaganda that Whites are superior. “That day is fast coming to an end.” (P. 92.) (That day arrived decades ago. Now, Whites and Negroes have crushed Whites with the propaganda that Whites are inferior.)

According to King, poverty prevented Negroes from attaining dignity. (With the enormous quantities of money transferred from Whites to Negroes, poverty should be eliminated as an excuse for the lack of dignity.)  “If the society changes its concepts by placing the responsibility on its system, not on the individual, and guarantees secure employment or a minimum income, dignity will come within reach of all.” (P. 92.) (All King-idolizing conservatives need to promote democratic socialism, for this is what King is describing and wants.)

King writes, “Over the last few years many Negroes have felt that their most troublesome adversary was not the obvious bigot of the Ku Klux Klan or the John Birch Society, but the white liberal who is more devoted to ‘order’ than to justice, who prefers tranquillity to equality.” (P. 93.) (Robert Welsh, the founder of the John Birch Society, was a staunch integrationist [see “John Birch Society and Segregation” by Thomas Allen]. Also, William Jasper, editor of The New American, a magazine associated with the John Birch Society, was an integrationist [see “A Letter: Miscegenation” by Thomas Allen].) Continuing, King adds, “Even in areas where liberals have great influence — labor unions, schools, churches and politics — the situation of the Negro is not much better than in areas where they are not dominant.” (P. 92.) (In recent decades, most liberals seem to have overcome this deficiency as they outdo each other by lavishing privileges, wealth, and power on Negroes.)

Correctly, King notes, “Often white liberals are unaware of their latent prejudices.” (P. 93.) (Unlike Southerners, Northern liberals have not spent much time around Negroes, so they have to rely on mysticism or prejudicial stereotyping to guide them. While Southerners who have not been indoctrinated with wokeism view Negroes realistically, Northerners generally view Negroes in one of two ways. Some idolize the Negro and believe that he is like a White person of high moral character but only with dark skin. Others resort to stereotypes: The Negro is a criminal brute or a lethargic, listless, lazy loafer.) King condemns liberals for their lack of alacrity and speed in surrendering White America unconditionally to King’s demands. (Since King wrote this essay, not only have liberals surrendered unconditionally to the Negro, but so have most conservatives. Is America any better now than then?)

According to King, any liberal who fails to accept interracial marriages negates his claim to genuine liberalism. (Thus, King reveals that he has no reservations about genociding the American Negro via miscegenation. Likewise, most liberals and conservatives lack reservations about genociding the Negro via miscegenation.) When interracial marriage is so acceptable and common that no one ever questions it, the disease of racism is cured. (Thus, the cure of racism is to genocide the races via miscegenation. One wonders if King believed that mulattos and mestizos are superior or if he hates Whites so much that he is willing to genocide the American Negro to genocide the White race. And this is evidence of love?)

Then, King states, “The white liberal must see that the Negro needs not only love but also justice.” (P. 95.) Further, King states, “The white liberal must affirm that absolute justice for the Negro simply means, in the Aristotelian sense, that the Negro must have ‘his due.’” (If the Negro received ‘his due’ and the same justice as Whites, far more Negroes would be in prison, and fewer Whites would be in prison.)

Next, King asserts that the Negro’s demand for justice is “a troublesome concept for many liberals, since it conflicts with their traditional ideal of equal opportunity and equal treatment of people according to their individual merits. But this is a day which demands new thinking and the reevaluation of old concepts. A society that has done something special against the Negro for hundreds of years must now do something special for him, in order to equip him to compete on a just and equal basis.” (P. 95.) (Since King did not want Negroes to be judged on their merit, he must have believed that they lacked merit and were really inferior. Thus, King demanded equity, equality of outcome, for Negroes instead of equality of opportunity and treatment. [Consequently, King-idolizing conservatives should cease preaching equality of opportunity and start preaching equality of outcome.] To placate the Negro, merit and equality of opportunity and treatment have been replaced with special privileges and benefits for Negroes so that they can achieve equity. Now, less-qualified Negroes are hired instead of more-qualified Whites. Universities admit less-qualified Negroes over more-qualified Whites. Yet, the Negro’s greed and lust remain unsatisfied.)

Mistakenly, King claims, “The Negro has not gained a single right in America without persistent pressure and agitation.” (P. 96.)  (The fifteenth amendment gave suffrage to Negro men. Negro pressure and agitation did not cause this amendment to be ratified. White Republicans gave them suffrage because of the growing popularity of the Democrats in the North. To retain control of Congress, the Republicans needed more Republican voters in the North. They expect most Negroes to vote for Republicans, so they gave them the vote.)

King writes, “that the oppressed person who agitates for his rights is not the creator of tension.” (P. 96.) (That is, the Negro has no responsibility for any of his violent acts and should not be held accountable for his violent acts. Whites are the blame for all violent acts of Negroes. Even after surrendering unconditionally to the demands of Negroes and giving them nearly everything that they demand, except reparations, Whites are still the blame.)

Moreover, King insists that the Negro protests, demonstrations, and riots did not cause a White backlash. “[T]he hatred and the hostilities were already latently or subconsciously present.” (P. 96.) By bringing these hostilities to the surface, the Negro was like a physician informing his patient that he has cancer. Therefore, the Negro was doing Whites a service by destroying their country, society, and culture to save them from the rot of racism.

Next, King, condemns Negroes who “have uttered anti-Semitic sentiments.” (P. 97.) However, “the amount of anti-Semitism found among Negroes is no greater than is found among white groups of the same economic strata.” (P. 97.) “The limited degree of Negro anti-Semitism is substantially a Northern ghetto phenomenon; it virtually does not exist in the South.” (P. 97.) (The lack of antisemitism among Southern Negroes may result from a lack of contact that they had with Jews. Familiarity breeds contempt as often as it breeds harmony.) Nevertheless, Jewish maltreatment of Negroes caused the antisemitism of Negroes. (Again, Negroes are not responsible.) Moreover, “Negroes cannot be expected to curb and eliminate the few who are anti-Semitic.” (P. 98.) (Yet, King expected White liberals to curb and eliminate White segregationists.)

Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Allen.

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King on Black Power – Part 1

King on Black Power – Part 1

Thomas Allen

In “Black Power,” Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), pages 23–70, Martin Luther King, Jr., discusses the rise of Black Power, its flaws, and his objections to it. The following is a critical review of King’s essay.

(First, I must remind the reader that most conservatives and nearly all conservative commentators consider King a conservative. Furthermore, many conservative commentators assert that King is an archconservative and the greatest conservative ever. Some have even deified him. Hereafter, all these conservatives are referred to as King-idolizing conservatives. Since King is an archconservative, these King-idolizing conservatives should advocate everything that King advocated.)

King begins his essay by discussing the shooting of James Meredith, which occurred in June 1966 and some events that followed. Meredith’s wounds prevented him from continuing his march in Mississippi. So, King, who represented the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Stokely Carmichael, who represented the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and Floyd  McKissich, who represented the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE), continued Meredith’s march. (For more about, Carmichael, McKissich, SCLC, SNCC, and CORE, see “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.)

Then, King describes the events leading to the resumption of the Meredith Mississippi Freedom March. He discovered that many young Negroes in the troop had become more openly militant. Unfulfilled promises had caused this militant anti-White attitude. Although King wanted to continue his “nonviolent” way, members of CORE and SNCC want to be more militant.

King opposed being openly violent because they “had neither the resources nor the techniques to win.” (P. 27.) To trick and provoke Whites into attacking “peaceful,” unarmed protestors was King’s tactic. 

Carmichael of SNCC opposed Whites joining the march. King’s speculated that  Carmichael’s opposition came from his experience in 1964 in Mississippi when Northerners flooded into Mississippi to work with and instruct Negroes, and the parental attitude of these Northerners made Negroes feel even more inadequate. (Many Northerners, especially Yankees, still believe that Negroes are incapable of taking care of themselves and of advancing without the succor of Whites.) However, King wanted the march to be interracial, and he persuaded Carmichael and McKissich to agree with his (King’s) conditions for the march: nonviolent and interracial. (Unlike Carmichael and McKissich, King appeared to have no qualms about genociding the American Negro via breeding them out of existence with interracial mating, which is a natural result of racial integration.)

During that march, “the birth of the Black Power slogan [entered] in the civil rights movement” (pp. 29-30) although the phrase had been used earlier. However, King  “had the deep feeling that it was an unfortunate choice of words for a slogan.” (P. 30.)

A schism began to occur between the Black Power folks led by Carmichael and the Freedom Now faction led by King. King argued, “The words ‘black’ and ‘power’ together give the impression that we are talking about black domination rather than black equality.” (P. 32.) (Eventually, the Negro not only achieved equality, but the White oligarchs gave the Negro domination over all Whites but themselves. Now, Negroes have far more privileges than Whites ever had at the pinnacle of White supremacy or Jim Crow. Moreover, White oligarchs have enslaved common Whites to support a vast number of Negroes through the welfare state, affirmative action, quotas, etc.) In the end, the Black Power folks and the Freedom Now folks segregated and separated from each other. (So much for these hypocrites adhering to integration.)

Next, King explains that “it is necessary to understand that Black Power is a cry of disappointment. . . . It was born from the wounds of despair and disappointment.” (P. 33.) (Negroes may have been disappointed then, but now they have more than most ever dreamed of having as Whites cower before them.) 

King writes, “For centuries the Negro has been caught in the tentacles of white power. Many Negroes have given up faith in the white majority because ‘white power’ with total control has left them empty-handed. So in reality the call for Black Power is a reaction to the failure of white power.” (P. 32). (Now, Whites are caught in the tentacles of Black Power. Evidence is Whites debasing themselves before Black Lives Matter as though such debasement would ever earn them the respect or admiration of Negroes. Instead, it has earned them the Negro’s disgust and disrespect. Not only did this debasement earn the disgust and disrespect of all self-respecting Negroes, but it also earned the disgust and disrespect of all self-respecting Whites.)

Continuing, King comments on the number of Negro and White civil rights workers killed in Mississippi and the number of churches bombed or burned. He notes, “This is white power in its most brutal, cold-blooded and vicious form.” (P. 34.) (With numerous riots since the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and their vast destruction of property and many resulting deaths, Black Power has far exceeded White power in its most brutal, cold-blooded, and vicious form. When the brutal viciousness that Negro criminals perpetrate against Whites is included, Black Power makes King’s description of White power look benevolent.)

Much of the blame for the rise of Black Power, King places on the federal government. The federal government failed to become despotic enough quick enough to ram all the demands of the Negroes “down the throats” of Whites — especially Southerners. (Within a decade, the federal government had become despotic enough to force Whites to surrender unconditionally to the demands of the Negro. Over the decades, this despotism has grown until now White oligarchs are giving Negroes privileges and benefits that they never dreamed possible or even thought about.)

Not only does King condemn the South, but he also condemns the North.  “In the Northern ghettos, unemployment, housing discrimination and slum schools mock the Negro who tries to hope. . . . The gap between the wages of the Negro worker and those of the white worker has widened. Slums are worse and Negroes attend more thoroughly segregated schools today than in 1954.” (Pp. 35-36.) (For most Northerners, civil rights and special privileges and benefits for Negroes were only supposed to apply in the South. They were not supposed to apply in the North. If Northerners had known that they were going to be suffocated and devoured in the tentacles of the civil rights movement that they wished on the South, the civil rights movement would have died before it began.)

According to King, the Vietnam War was a major cause of the rise of Black Power and Negroes becoming more violent. Also, Negroes had become disappointed “with timid white moderates who feel that they can set the timetable for the Negro’s freedom.” (P. 36.) They had become disappointed “with a federal administration that seems to be more concerned about winning an ill-considered war in Vietnam than about winning the war against poverty here at home.” (P. 36.) Thus, King wanted resources wasted on the Vietnam War to be allocated to the War on Poverty. (Consequently, King-idolizing conservatives should be ardent supporters of the welfare state and should demand that resources spent on foreign wars promoting American hegemony be spent on the War on Poverty.)

Moreover, King condemns both Whites and Negro clergymen who fail to support the civil rights movement with sufficient alacrity. Their apathy was a cause of the rise of Black Power. The Negro middle class also suffered his wrath. 

About Black Power, King writes that “in its broad and positive meaning, [Black Power] is a call to black people to amass the political and economic strength to achieve their legitimate goals.”(P. 37) (White oligarchs would give the Negro enough political and economic power to achieve their goals, legitimate or otherwise.) King laments about the Negro’s lack of power. (Now, the Negro has power that probably exceeded what King imagined possible.)

Continuing, King writes, “The problem of transforming the ghetto is, therefore, a problem of power.” (P. 37.) (Negroes have gained control of the governments of many major cities. Not only have ghettos not vanished under Black Power, but they have often grown worse — even with the influx of enormous amounts of federal money.) King expresses a great deal of lust for power and associates power with love. 

Then, King writes that “the ultimate answer to the Negroes’ economic dilemma will be found in a massive federal program for all the poor.” (P. 39) (Eventually, King’s demand for massive federal expenditures on poverty came to fruition, yet poverty remains. [Too many people are getting rich from poverty for it to be eliminated.] Moreover, since King was a fervent supporter of the welfare state and the War on Poverty, all King-idolizing conservatives should also be zealous supporters of them.)

King urged Negroes to combine their resources and to develop habits of thrift and techniques of wise investment. (Unfortunately, most Negroes ignored his advice.)

“Black Power is a psychological call to manhood. For years the Negro has been taught that he is nobody, that his color is a sign of his biological depravity, that his being has been stamped with an indelible imprint of inferiority, that his whole history has been soiled with the filth of worthlessness.” (P. 39.) (For the most part, Negroes have overcome these psychological problems. White oligarchs and Negroes teach Whites that they are worthless oppressors and are not worthy of respect and are inferior to the Negro. However, as crime statistics show, the Negro has failed to overcome his biological depravity, which is in his genes.)

Summarizing his discussion of the impact of slavery on Negroes, King writes, “Here, then, was the way to produce a perfect slave. Accustom him to rigid discipline, demand from him unconditional submission, impress upon him a sense of his innate inferiority, develop in him a paralyzing fear of white men, train him to adopt the master’s code of good behavior, and instill in him a sense of complete dependence.” (P. 40.) (In many respects, Negroes have vanquished the effects of slavery. They are not subject to discipline or submission. [Whites are expected to submit to Negroes.] They no longer fear Whites, but Whites fear them. Most Negroes have abandoned the code of good behavior. However, most Negroes still have a sense of complete dependence. They depended on the welfare state and the special privileges and benefits that the oligarchs have given them.) Then, King writes, “Black Power is a psychological reaction to the psychological indoctrination that led to the creation of the perfect slave.”

King asserts that the Negro “must no longer be ashamed of being black.” (P. 42) (Although Negroes are no longer ashamed of being black, many Whites are ashamed of being White. Further, realizing the benefits and privileges that Negroes have but are denied Whites, a growing number of Whites are claiming to be Negroes.)

Copyright © 2023 by Thomas Allen.

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Charlotte-Mecklenburg School Integration

Charlotte-Mecklenburg School Integration

Thomas Allen

The desegregation-integration of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school system is a good example of the greed of the New South Southerner and the hypocrisy of the Northerner. Their attitude toward integration well illustrates this greed and hypocrisy. (For those who do not know the geography of North Carolina, Charlotte is the largest city in North Carolina and the county seat of Mecklenburg County. Mecklenburg County had one school system that included the city of Charlotte.)

In the 1960s, Charlotte-Mecklenburg had desegregated schools yet by 1968 only 28 percent of Blacks attended majority-White schools, which was more race-mixing than most other large cities had achieved. Nevertheless, the integrationists were not satisfied.

In 1971, three years after the Supreme Court legalized forced busing to achieve substantial integration, Judge James McMillan imposed forced busing on Charlotte-Mecklenburg to achieve the equal distribution of Black and White students. His ruling, which the Supreme Court supported, initially received some protests. Parents who lived in the suburbs objected to busing. They accepted desegregation, which required assigning students to schools without considering race. However, they opposed integration, which required assigning students to schools based on race. Although he did nothing to alleviate forced busing to achieve racial balance, President Nixon endorsed their opposition. Even the Supreme Court seemed to agree with the protesters in a 1974 ruling and especially after 1990.

Nevertheless, community leaders decided not to oppose integration because they feared opposition would stifle Charlotte-Mecklenburg’s economy. Consequently, they supported integration. Thus, they placed wealth above everything else. If they placated the integrationists, especially the Northern integrationists, most of whom wanted integration in the South but not in the North, the result would be an economic boom. Therefore, they not only promoted the mild climate, low taxes, and low cost of living in Charlotte-Mecklenburg, they also promoted its progressive racial policies.

Although Whites preferred neighborhood schools, they surrendered to force busing to achieve racially balanced schools. Naively, the liberal leaders sought to prove that racially balanced integrated schools could achieve a high-quality education, which they never have. (Integrated schools lead to lower educational standards.) For the liberal leaders of Charlotte, integration was a source of great pride.

When President Reagan opposed taking children out of neighborhood schools and using them as pawns in a social experiment, the Charlotte Observer objected. It declared that the integration of Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools was Charlotte’s greatest achievement. Integration of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools led to a strong, growing economy.

Whether cause or coincidence, growth did accompany school integration. Between 1970 and 1997, Charlotte’s population grew more than 70 percent, the second greatest rate among American cities with a population greater than 500,000. Moreover, Charlotte became a major banking city.

A major cause of the integrationists’ praise for Charlotte-Mecklenburg’s integrated school system was that the school system was countrywide. Consequently, Whites could not avoid integration by fleeing to the suburbs as they did in the North. Thus, Charlotte-Mecklenburg was an excellent example of the success of court-ordered forced busing — from the integrationist perspective.

With the economic growth came the Northern migrant. These Northern Whites settled in predominantly White communities. (Northerners and White leaders may preach integration, but most prefer not to live in integrated communities.) As a result of Whites living in predominantly White communities, Blacks became disproportionally concentrated in Charlotte.

As White moved out of Charlotte, students, both Black and White, spent more time on buses so that racial balance could be achieved. Nevertheless, school authorities refused to build new schools in predominantly White communities. Busing to achieve integration led to a growth in private schools. By 1997, about 25 percent of White students in Charlotte-Mecklenburg attended private schools, which was 10 times the number in 1970, just before forced busing began, and which was more than 10 times the national average. 

Not only was busing causing Whites to flee public schools, so was the decline in the quality of education in public schools. The poor behavior of Blacks was another cause for leaving public schools.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg’s progressive policies had brought many new businesses and people to the county. Many of these newcomers were from the North. Most Northerners had avoided integrated schools by moving to suburbs that had their own school systems. This was not an option in Charlotte-Mecklenburg because the county had one school system that covered the whole county including Charlotte. When Northerners came to Charlotte-Mecklenburg, they demanded schools like the ones that they had left behind. They wanted to send their children to predominately White schools. They did not want to sacrifice quality education on the altar of integration. Although Yankees did not mind and generally favored forced busing Southerners to Black neighborhoods to achieve racial balance, they were not going to allow their children to be bussed to Black neighborhoods.

By 1990, Charlotte-Mecklenburg began to realize that forced integration was making Charlotte-Mecklenburg less attractive to new businesses. That is, forced integration was hurting the recruitment of new businesses.  Consequently, business leaders, whose god is wealth, abandoned force busing, which previously they had promoted.

Bowing to these business leaders, the school board sharply reduced forced busing in 1992. To achieve integration, the school board instituted magnet programs. However, because many magnet schools were in Black neighborhoods, many Blacks were bused elsewhere to make space for White students. To maintain integration, the school board resorted to a quota system to ensure an adequate number of Black students in the magnet schools. Still, many Blacks did not want to attend magnate schools. Consequently, spaces reserved for Blacks remained empty while Whites remained on waiting lists.

Apparently, the school board thought magnate schools, many of which were in Black neighborhoods, would make Black neighborhoods palatable to Whites. Moreover, the school board seemed to believe that White parents would voluntarily send their children halfway across the county to attend a magnet school. Nevertheless, the magnet programs did succeed in placating many Whites.

The quota system led to a lawsuit in 1997. A White plaintiff claimed that the quota system amounted to racial discrimination. Being dominated by integrationists,  the school board objected. It declared that desegregation of its schools had not been achieved. After 30 years of trying, it had failed to desegregate its schools. One of its chief arguments that desegregation had not been overcome was the racial gap in academic achievement between Blacks and Whites.

Judge Robert Potter ruled against the school board in favor of the plaintiff. He declared that Charlotte-Mecklenburg had eliminated the last vestige of past discrimination and that it had complied in good faith with the federal court desegregation orders. Thus, he prohibited the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school board from assigning students to schools based on race and from allocating educational opportunities through race-based lotteries, preferences, and set-asides.

After this court ruling, most Whites abandoned schools in predominately Black neighborhoods, and White enrollment in the suburbs soared. By 2007, more than half the Charlotte-Mecklenburg elementary schools were either predominantly (90 percent) White or predominately Black. Being relieved of having to achieve racial balances, the school board could now focus on improving the quality of education for both Whites and Blacks. The shift of resources from busing to achieve a racial balance to improving the quality of education improved the overall academics of Blacks.

When the federal court ordered Charlotte-Mecklenburg to implement integration using forced busing, the leaders of Charlotte-Mecklenburg adopted forced busing with fervent enthusiasm. Forced busing became their pride about which they boasted. They believed that integration would lead to economic growth, which did occur. Along with economic growth came the Northern transplant. These Northerners cared little about integration for themselves. Integration was solely for Southerners. These Northerners ardently opposed forced busing to achieve integration when it involved their children. Eventually, Northerners pressured the Charlotte-Mecklenburg leaders to kill their pride, forced busing. Thus, ended forced busing to achieve racial integration in Charlotte-Mecklenburg.

Reference

Wolters, Raymond. Race and Education, 1954-2007. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 2008.

Copyright © 2022 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Some Comments on Race and Ethnicity

Some Comments on Race and Ethnicity 

Thomas Allen

 

Discussed below are the difference between race and ethnicity, the invalidity of genetic testing for racial and ethnic ancestry, Yankees and Northerners, and albusphobes.

Race and Ethnicity

Human races are species and, therefore, are biologically and genetically like any other species. A racial type is like a variety or subspecies. An ethnic group is a cultural subdivision of a human race. For example, Melanochroi (Homo brunus) is a species of man. Among its varieties are Saharan-Hamite, Eastern-Hamite, Egyptian, Oriental, Dravidians, and Indo-Iranian. Its ethnicities include the Fellata, Ethiopian, Fellahin, Bedouin, Tamil, and Baluchi.

A major difference between race and ethnicity is its life. With a few exceptions, a race lasts forever after God creates it if Revelation is given a broad interpretation. According to Revelations 7:9, a great multitude out of every nation, of all tribes, peoples, and tongues stand before the throne of God and before the Lamb, Jesus. Unless all these nations, tribes, and peoples are of the same race (species of man), then all extant races should have representatives in the kingdom to come. (Some species of man have become extinct, such as Neanderthal and the giants like the Nephilim. Whether any of them are in heaven is unknown. However, if the Universalists are correct, they along with all other humans will be there.)

On the other hand, ethnicities are transitory. They are born and later die, at least on earth, although they may survive for thousands of years. Nevertheless, Revelations shows that many ethnicities (nations, tribes, and peoples) will last forever.

Ethnic and Racial Ancestry

Various companies promote discovering one’s ethnic (Pole, Japanese, Zulu, Tuaregs, etc.) and racial (Aryan, Melanochroi, Turanian, Negro, Indo-Australian, and Khoisan) makeup. This is done by comparing a person’s genetic sample to genetic samples of various ethnic and racial groups.

For this comparison to be valid, a person’s genetic sample has to be compared with a standard. Furthermore, the standard has to be pure with no admixtures from any other ethnic or racial group. Thus, for validity, a pure and unpolluted gene pool is needed for Poles, Japanese, Zulu, Tuaregs, and each of the hundreds of other ethnic groups.

On the other hand, we are told that no pure ethnicities or races exist. Everyone is a mongrel. All ethnicities and races are mixtures of each other. If true, then discovering one’s ethnic and racial ancestry by genetics is a hoax and a waste of resources.

Yankee and Northerner

Most Whites in the United States who originate outside the South fall into two groups: the Yankee and the Northerner. Yankees are Whites who fit the description given in “The Puritan Yankee,” “The Yankee,” and “Cusson’s Description of the Yankee” all by Thomas Allen. Whites originating outside the South who do not fit the description of the Yankee are Northerners. (During Lincoln’s War, many Northerners were called “Copperheads.”) Like Southerners who are not scalawags, Northerners are deplorables. Although inferior in number, Yankees are superior in power and influence. Unfortunately, many Northerners follow the lead of the Yankees, which results in confounding the two because it makes these Northerners almost indistinguishable from the Yankees. Consequently, Yankees and Northerners are often confused and used as synonyms.

Albusphobes

Albusphobia is an intense aversion for the Homo albus species of humans, i.e., an intense aversion for the Aryan or White race. Luciferians, self-hating H. albus, and racial nihilists are the three major types of Whites who are albusphobes. Luciferians are mostly found in the ruling elite and their underlings. They seek to offer the H. albus species to Lucifer, their master, because it is the species created in the image of God. Self-hating H. albus (self-hating Whites) hate their species so much that they seek its annihilation. Many progressives and liberals and some libertarians are self-hating H. albus. The largest group is the racial nihilist. Racial nihilists are indifferent to the existence of all human species, especially H. albus. They do not consider any human species worth preserving, especially H. albus. Most Whites are, or at least act like, racial nihilists.

Many nonwhites are albusphobes. A few nonwhites are Luciferians. Some are racial nihilists. Others are so albusphobic that they are willing to sacrifice their own species to genocide H. albus. However, many nonwhites are not albusphobic per se; they merely seek to preserve and promote their own species. Most nonwhite albusphobes are averse to the H. albus species but not to the extent of scarifying their own species to genocide H. albus. This group desires and seeks the death of H. albus without sacrificing themselves.

Because White albusphobes have united with nonwhite albusphobes to genocide H. albus, H. albus is doomed to extinction. Only if Whites begin loving their own species as much as nonwhites love theirs and began promoting the preservation of H. albus, can H. albus be saved from extinction.

Copyright © 2021 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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