Review of Segregation and Desegregation -- Part 2
[Editor's note: Some of the endnotes have been replaced with links.]
In Chapter 3, Matson discusses the difference between “separation” and “segregation.” He also discusses segregation and desegregation and the cost of segregation.
The distinction that he makes between separation and segregation is that separation is voluntary while segregation is compulsory by custom or law or both. However, Whites are not allowed to separate voluntarily from other races. They must always be forced to integrate. Only Jews and nonwhites are allowed to separate.
A better way to use these two terms is to use “segregation” to mean two or more groups living in a community or society keeping apart from each other in many or most of their activities. This keeping apart can be voluntary or coercive; it can be by choice, custom, or law. “Separation” means living in separate independent, autonomous communities or societies and not under the rule of or sharing rule with another race. When Black leaders speak of separation, this is the definition that they usually use.
Matson notes, “There seems to be a natural desire by those who speak the same language, who have the same cultural background, or who are of the same color to group together for social fellowship” (p. 42). Chinese have the freedom to separate themselves from other races with their Chinatowns. Likewise, other nonwhite races have this freedom. However, Whites, especially Southerners, lack this freedom. Everything that they have is to be opened to all other races. (Whites can join White-only private clubs; however, opinion molders berate and ostracize them.)
As shown above, Maston argues that separation is voluntary. It may at times be voluntary. However, it can be compulsory. In Uganda, Black Africans adopted the ultimate separation of Asian Indians. They forcibly removed Asian Indians from Uganda. Thus, separation need not be voluntary.
Matson opines that one chief reason that Negroes voluntarily separate themselves from Whites is that they believe “that they are not wanted among the majority group” (p. 43). He falls to explain how forcing a person’s company on those who do not want to associate with him will engender respect and friendship instead of resentment and hostility.
Matson does admit that if the Negro so desires, he should be allowed to separate from Whites. However, Whites should never be allowed to separate from Blacks (pp. 43-44). When Blacks prefer the company of Blacks to Whites, that is separation. When Whites prefer the company of Whites to Blacks, that is segregation. At least that is Maston’s reasoning.
Matson asks if as some opponents of desegregation argue, “Negroes naturally prefer to be by themselves, why should anyone fear or oppose desegregation” (p. 46). The answer is that integration is necessary to prove that desegregation has been achieved. Matson asserts, “Voluntary separation would be a more logical argument for desegregation than for segregation” (p. 46). Nevertheless, Whites are forbidden to separate themselves voluntarily from Blacks in their housing, schools, businesses, etc. — and Matson agrees with this prohibition. The Supreme Court rulings and later Congressional laws outlawed such separation. Thus, desegregation prevents Whites from voluntarily separating themselves from other races.
Matson claims that racial prejudice is the significant cause of segregation. He defines “prejudice” as “a prejudgment, or judgment not based on knowledge or experience. It implies an opinion based on insufficient or irrelevant data” (pp. 47-48). This is a good definition. Having lived, worked, and associated with Negroes for more than 400 years, no group knows the Negro better than the Southerner. He has more than 400 years of experience with and knowledge of the Negro. Whatever caused Southerners to adopt segregation, it was not racial prejudice as Maston and many others surmise. Racial prejudice may in part explain why sanctimonious Northerners, who are much less familiar with the Negro, segregated racially by custom.
Moreover, Matson and others like him seldom, if ever, comment on the racial prejudice of Blacks. They seem to believe that only Whites are racists and possess racial prejudices. An honest review of recent decades reveals that Blacks are more racists and prejudice than Whites — and they do not even apologize for it.
Matson seems to hold to the classic definition of “racism” as the “idea of the natural inferiority or superiority of race” (p. 49). Thus, if a person maintains that Blacks are superior to Whites at surviving in the lower latitudes because their highly pigmented skin prevents ultraviolet rays from destroying vitamin B-12, which is necessary for reproduction, he is a racist. Contrariwise, if he believes that Whites are superior to Blacks at surviving in the higher latitudes because their lightly pigmented skin allows ultraviolet rays to produce more vitamin D, which is necessary for overall good health, he is a racist. (The current definition of a racist is  a White person,  anyone who disagrees with President Obama or any of his policies.)
A good example of racism was White boxing associations denying membership to Black boxers. They did so because Black boxers have a genetic advantage over White boxers. In general, Black boxers are innately superior to White boxers. Nevertheless, White boxers can no longer protect themselves from this disadvantage by separating themselves from Black boxers.
Matson maintains that segregated schools deny the Negro’s right to equal treatment before the law (pp. 50-51). It did not. Blacks were treated the same as Whites. Both were required to go to segregated schools. Moreover, Maston does not object to Blacks separating themselves from Whites and having Black-only churches, school, neighborhoods, etc. However, he objects to Whites separating themselves from Blacks in any manner. Yet he preaches equal treatment before the law. Legally Blacks are to have special privileges and rights while Whites have none.
Matson claims, “Segregation seems inevitably to involve some discrimination” (p. 52). Several times he condemns the principle of “separate but equal.” He contends that separate institutions, facilities, etc. cannot be equal (p. 53). He insists that segregation “is based on the idea that the segregated group is inferior” (p. 52). His proposition is flawed. Under segregation, Whites are segregated from Blacks as much as Blacks are from Whites. So, which is the superior and which is the inferior?
According to Matson, when Whites were in power in South Africa, they discriminated against Blacks because Whites were superior to Blacks. When Blacks came to power, they discriminated against Whites because Blacks were now superior Whites. Apparently, the superiority-inferiority issue has more to do with who wields political power than with racial superiority or inferiority. In South Africa, segregation is used to take care of and give advantage to one’s racial kindred.
Contrary to what Maston thinks and claims, Blacks do not want equality. They want superiority and will not stop until they are superior to Whites in all aspects. Unfortunately for both Blacks and Whites, emasculated, effeminate, self-hating, self-loathing Whites will continue to surrender to Black demands until Whites are vastly inferior in the land that their ancestors founded, built, and carried to the greatest heights that the world has ever known. (South Africa and especially Rhodesia, Zimbabwe, illustrate the deleterious effects of Blacks becoming superior to Whites.)
Also, Malaysia disproves Matson’s principle of the superior segregating the inferior. In Malaysia, the Malays segregated the Chinese because the Chinese are superior at generating wealth.
Thus, Maston’s hypothesis that segregation occurs because the segregating race believes itself superior to the segregated race is highly flawed. Discrimination and segregation serve to protect the segregating race from the adverse effects of the segregated race.
Moreover, if Maston is consistent, he must argue that restrooms must be desegregated. Each sex gets to choose which restroom to use. Restrooms are no longer segregated by sex. Thus, having different restrooms for men and women must be outlawed — just as they were for different races. Such segregation of restrooms must result from sexual prejudice, sexism, and the superiority-inferiority complex. As women prefer segregated restrooms more so than do men, women must be prejudice toward men and consider themselves superior to men. At least desegregated restrooms solves the problem of which restroom transgender people and transvestites should use.
Matson claims, “Segregation is always discriminatory; it has meant and does mean inferior service to the segregated” (p. 54). Thus, he admits that sexually segregated restrooms are discriminatory. As more women than men prefer segregated restrooms, that must mean that men’s restrooms are inferior to women’s restrooms.
Matson cites examples that show more, often much more, money spent on White students than on Black students (pp. 53-54). As schools were integrated, spending on public schools soared and the quality of education plummeted. Expenditures on public schools and the quality of education seem to have a negative correlation.
Matson doubts that if men were thoroughly redeemed, they would maintain a segregated society (p. 55). That may be true of humans, who remain sinners on Earth after redemption. However, it is not true of God. In Revolution 5:9, 7:9, 11:9, 13:7, 14:6, 17:15, and 21:24, John describes mankind in the plural: peoples, nations, kindreds (tribes), and tongues (languages). Such a description implies and requires segregation. If heaven were fully integrated, only one people, nation, kindred, and tongue would exist.
Matson quotes Benjamin Mays, a Negro educator, as saying “segregation is the greatest curse that can be imposed on anyone” (p. 55). Perhaps no group, not even the Negro, has been discriminated against as much as the Jew. Over the last 2000 years, Jews have been expelled many times in toto from many countries, while Negroes have not been expelled from any. Jews have endured discrimination greater than Blacks. Yet in spite of “the greatest curse that can be imposed on anyone,” the power and wealth of Jews far exceed their numbers. They are the most powerful group on the planet. So what is the Negro’s excuse? If Jews, who have endured discrimination far worse and far longer than Negroes, can rise to the pinnacle of wealth and power in spite of discrimination, why cannot Negroes?
Furthermore, the Chinese and Japanese have suffered discrimination and exploitation rivaling if not exceeding that of Blacks. They have been persecuted more than Negroes. Yet, they have prospered without resorting to racial agitation and lobbying (although that is increasing) as has the Negro. Moreover, the Chinese and Japanese give the community and country more than they take. Unlike Blacks, they do not ask for special privileges or play politics except in Hawaii. Again, what is the Negro’s excuse?
Matson fails to mention that Mays was affiliated with several Communist front organizations. They include the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born, the Civil Rights Congress, the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, the Southern Negro Youth Congress, the Mid-Century Conference for Peace, the Southern Conference Educational Fund, the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, and the National Committee to Repeal the McCurran Act.
Matson states, “The white South cannot hold the Negro down without staying down with him” (p. 56). White Yankee progressives with the aid of White Southern quislings seem to have found a way to hold the Negro down: the welfare state. With the welfare state, they have managed to keep an abnormally large number of Negroes in poverty while destroying Black families and causing an increasing number of Black males to turn to crime and thus a life in and out of prison. Instead of desegregation lifting the Negro up, it has doom far too many of them to be wards of government, i.e., the ruling elite.
Matson quotes Martin Luther King as saying that segregation “scars the soul of both of the segregator and segregated” (p. 57). If true, then God has a scarred soul. With the Towel of Babel, He is the original author of segregation. In Ezra Chapters 9 and 10, through Ezra, He orders the Jews to segregate themselves from their foreign wives and children. Many more examples can be provided showing God causing or ordering segregation.
Matson notes that segregation leads to hostility and aggression by the segregated group (p. 57). Sixty years after desegregation, hostility and aggression by the segregated group, Blacks, has not abated. It has accelerated. However, after surrendering unconditionally to the Communist led civil rights movement, Whites cower before Blacks and tremble in fear of that great smear word: “racist,” which keeps them in their place.
As the Negro made more economic progress, he became more militant. Much of the Black violence results from White pacifism. The less Whites resisted the demands of Blacks, the more embolden Blacks became in their demands. They become more violent in insisting that their demands be met.
Matson states that 90 percent of a group of social scientists in the 1950s blamed segregation as the cause of “the lower achievement level of Negro pupils as compared with white children of the same age and grade” (p. 58). After 60 years of school desegregation and ever lower standards, Negro students still have lower achievement levels than Whites. What is the excuse now? Slavery from 150 years ago? Segregation from 60 years ago? Nonexistent White racism? Nonexistent White privilege? The ubiquitous Black privilege?
Matson claims that under segregation, the majority group develops a paternalistic attitude toward the segregated. He defines “paternalism” as involving a “condescending service of a superior to an inferior. It seldom allows the ‘child’ it nurtures to grow into full manhood” (pp. 58-59). His description of paternalism fits the welfare state that has accompanied the civil rights movement and integration far better than it does segregation. (Most likely, Matson was a proponent and supporter of the welfare state.)
Matson’s paternalism principle is flawed. In Malaysia, the Malays, who are the majority, have no paternalistic attitude toward the Chinese minority. They discriminate against and segregate the Chinese to protect themselves from the Chinese and to keep the Chinese minority from taking over the country.
He goes on to describe the “vicious circle theory” (p. 59). Again this theory fits the welfare state much better than it does segregation. (Although I am not aware of Matson ever opposing the welfare state, he should have been a leading opponent of it as it has been more harmful to the Negro than segregation ever was. Most likely, he supported the welfare state.)
Matson remarks, “The challenge of communism makes the situation [continuing segregation] ever more acute for America and for the West. Two great forces, democracy and communism, are competing for mastery in the world, mastery over the minds and souls of men” (p. 60). Although democracy won in form, Communism won in mastery over the minds and souls of men. The United States are far more Marxist today than they were ever under segregation. Almost every plank of the Communist Manifesto has been fully implemented. The primary objective of the Communist led and Communist organized civil rights movement has been to bring down the United States and destroy the White race. Communists have been remarkably successful in achieving these goals. Most likely, Matson would approve of this outcome of the death of segregation.
Endnotes -- continued3. Robertson, p. 152ff.
4. Robertson, pp. 204-207.
5. Gannon, p. 442.
6. Thomas Coley Allen, Integration Is Genocide (Franklinton, N.C.: TC Allen Co., 1997), pp. 10-17. Thomas Coley Allen, False Biblical Teachings on the Origins and the Races and Interracial Marriages (Franklinton, N.C.: TC Allen Co., 2001), passim.
Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
Part 1, Part 3
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