Wednesday, February 27, 2019

A Letter: Some Paradoxes

A Letter: Some Paradoxes
Thomas Allen

[Editor’s note: The following is an excerpt from a letter written in 1988 to Mrs. Betty Eastman, Southern National Party.]

    The following are a few of the many paradoxes of twentieth-century America:
    1.    The welfare state is based on the premise that people are too incompetent to take care of themselves. However, once such incompetent persons become government bureaucrats, they miraculously acquire the ability to take care of everyone.
    2.    Many of those who claim that morality cannot be legislated and, therefore, oppose such laws in general, are at the forefront of trying to legislate morality in the workplace with sexual harassment laws. Many of these same people are also in the forefront of trying to legislate compassion and love — except for unborn babies. Legislating morality may not make a person more moral, but it does reduce public overt acts of immorality. Legislating love tends to increase resentment and disdain by the recipient and giver rather than increase compassion and love.
    3.    Most Americans who are in the public eye condemn Nazism (National Socialism). Then an overwhelming majority of these same people began advocating and supporting most of the policies of the Nazis, such as:
        a.    heavy governmental regulation of business and industry;
        b.    governmental control and manipulation of the money supply and economy;
        c.    taking children from their parents and putting them into governmentally controlled institutions (Nazis called theirs youth centers; Americans call theirs daycare centers, pre-kindergarten, Head Start, etc.);
        d.    public education and the destruction of academic freedom;
        e.    abortion and euthanasia;
        f.    nationalized medical care;
        g.    discrimination against a person because of their race or ethnicity (Nazis demanded discrimination against Jews; Americans demand discrimination against Whites, especially White Southern males);
        h.    genocide (The Nazi program was quick and apparent; the American program of integration is slow and stealthy);
        i.    reducing the States to administrative districts of the federal government;
        j.    the institution of secret police that operates outside the law without penalty (The Nazis had the Gestapo; Americans have the Internal Revenue Service, the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, various agencies of Homeland Security, and several other federal agencies); and
        k.    using the central government to control every aspect of life.
    The Nazis’ worse critics are nearly always in the forefront of advocating and supporting a leviathan state that any Nazi leader would have envied. At least the Nazis adhered to the German constitution much more closely than the Americans have adhered to theirs.

Copyright © 1988, 2019 by Thomas C. Allen.

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Sunday, February 17, 2019

Immigrants or Colonists

Immigrants or Colonists
Thomas Allen

    It is often said that the United States are a country of immigrants. However, that is not exactly true. The early European arrivals did not come as immigrants. They came as colonists. They came to build a country with no intention to assimilate with the indigenous population. To the contrary, they came to supplant them.
    Only after the early nineteenth century did Europeans come as immigrants. By then, much of the country had been established. These Europeans came to add their labor and intellect to what was already built.
    Unfortunately, except for the Puritan-Yankee and their descendants, philosophically and biologically, the progressive, liberal democrat, the radicals of the failed Revolution of 1848 also came. Soon, they aligned themselves with the Puritan-Yankee to suppress Southern independence in Lincoln’s War. Radicalism and Marxism were their only contribution to the United States.
    Likewise, the Chinese and, later, the Japanese came as immigrants. However, their immigration became greatly restricted.
    In 1924, Congress enacted an immigration law to preserve the ethnic makeup of the United States. In 1965, Congress changed the immigration law to favor heavily anyone who was not European, i.e., of the White race, Aryan, Homo albus. As a result, non-Whites flooded the country.
    Most of the people who moved to the United States before1965 came as true immigrants. They sought to fit in. Consequently, they learned English and tried to assimilate.
    However, after 1965, most people who moved to the United States came as colonists. They came to make a new country. Many of them failed to learn English, and even fewer attempted to assimilate. Like the earlier colonists, these latter-day colonists came not to assimilate, but to supplant.[1]
    Nevertheless, these latter-day colonists differed greatly from the earlier colonists. Unlike the earlier colonists, who came to build a country, these colonists came to drain wealth from a well-established country. Thus, they were more like parasites.  As the parasite grows, the host shrivels and eventually dies. Will these new parasitic colonists survive their host and supplant it?
    Also, a major and highly important difference existed between the people who came to live in the United States before 1965 and after 1965. Before 1965, they were Europeans, except for East Asians whose immigration became highly restricted and Africans, whom the slave traders, of whom many were Yankees and none were Southerners, brought here. True Europeans are the same biological race, species: They are Aryans, Whites, Homo albus. Also, although they consisted of many nations or nationalities,[2] whose languages and customs differed, they were all from the same major culture of Western Civilization. For the most part, they were Christians, although their brand of Christianity differed. Consequently, they were more alike than different and, therefore, assimilation was much easier.
    After 1965, most of the people who came to settle in the United States were not Aryans. For the most part, they were Turanians, Homo luridus, from Asia and Turanians and mestizos from Latin America and Melanochroi, Homo brunus, from India, Pakistan, and the Horn of Africa. Being of a different biological race than the vast majority of the pre-1965 population, they could not truly and fully assimilate without destroying themselves biologically. Moreover, most were from alien cultures, which made assimilation more difficult. Also, except those from Latin America, few were Christian, if one could call Marxist Liberation Catholics Christians. Consequently, for them to assimilate truly and fully, they would have had to abandon much of their culture and convert to Christianity.
    However, since they came in such large numbers, they did not have to assimilate. They established colonies where they could live with people of their nationality, who shared their race, culture, religion, and language. Thus, they came as colonists and established colonists within the United States.
    Moreover, the Illuminists, who controlled the US government and, by that, the State governments, aided them in their alien colonization within the United States. With the welfare state, the Illuminists forced the Aryan taxpayers to support their own death by giving these alien colonists free or heavily subsidized schooling, medical care, housing, groceries, etc. (Illuminists are also known as the Establishment, Insiders, Globalists, and the Powers That Be.)
    What is the ultimate objective of flooding the United States with non-Whites with their alien cultures and religions? It is the Satanic goal to bring down and destroy the United States, and by that, to annihilate Western Civilization, to corrupt Christianity beyond repair, and to genocide the White race. (The same thing is occurring in Europe.) Even if this is not the goal, this is the result.

1. Mexicans have admitted that they come as colonists. They seek to overwhelm the States of the Southwest in such numbers that they will drive out the native Whites, Blacks, and other undesirables and joined the Southwest with Mexico. Thus, they seek to colonize and supplant the native population instead of assimilating.

2. A nation or nationality is a people of the same biological race (species) who have a common origin, culture, language, and history and who have common traditions and customs. A nation may or, more common, may not have its own country. Denmark is an example of a nation having its own country. Most nations have no country of their own. An example of a nation divided among several countries is the Alsatian, who resides in France, Switzerland, and Germany. Today, most countries consist of several nations. For example, Germany consists of the Bayuvar (Austro-Bavarian), Alsatian, Franconian (Upper German), German  (Middle German), Brandenburgian, and Plattdeutsch.

Copyright © 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Friday, February 8, 2019

Mencken on Liberty in a Democracy

Mencken on Liberty in a Democracy
Thomas Allen

    In 1926, H. L. Mencken (1880-1956) wrote Notes on Democracy in which he expressed his views on democracy and related issues. He was a journalist, satirist, and critic and a libertarian and one of the leaders of the Old Right. In his book, he describes liberty in a democracy, pages 157-162. Below is an overview of his discussion on liberty in a democracy; my comments are in brackets.
    Whenever the liberties of the people “are invaded and made a mock of in a gross and contemptuous manner,” as occurred “in the United States during the reign of Wilson,” some observers always marvel that people bear such “outrage with so little murmuring.” About such observation, Mencken remarks, “Such observers only display their unfamiliarity with the elements of democratic science. The truth is that the common man’s love of liberty, like his love of sense, justice and truth, is almost wholly imaginary.” [The response of most people to 9-11 supports Mencken. Their quick surrender of liberty to the ruling elite shows their lack of love of liberty.] Unfortunately, for the lovers of liberty, the common man, of whom the masses comprise, is not “happy when free; he is uncomfortable, a bit alarmed, and intolerably lonely. He longs for the warm, reassuring smell of the herd, and is willing to take the herdsman with it.” Thus, “[l]iberty is not a thing for such as he. He cannot enjoy it rationally himself, and he can think of it in others only as something to be taken away from them.”
    When liberty is a reality, it is the “exclusive possession of a small and disreputable minority of men, like knowledge, courage and honour. A special sort of man is needed to understand it, nay, to stand it — and he is inevitably an outlaw in democratic societies.” Mencken continues, “The average man doesn’t want to be free. He simply wants to be safe.” [Hence, the response of the average person to 9-11: throw away liberty for safety — and end up with neither. The common man, the inferior man, the democratic man, fails to realize that without liberty, real safety cannot exist.]
    Mencken cites Nietzsche as saying that liberty “was something that, to the general, was too cold to be borne.” However, Nietzsche “believed that there was an unnatural, drug-store sort of yearning for it in all men, and so he changed Schopenhauer’s will-to-live into a will-to-power, i.e., a will-to-free-function.” [Friedrich Nietzsche {1844 –1900} was a German philosopher, cultural critic, poet, and philologist. Arthur Schopenhauer {1788 –1860} was a German philosopher.] Mencken believes that Nietzsche “went too far, and in the wrong direction: he should have made it, on the lower levels, a will-to-peace.” Mencken remarks, “What the common man longs for in this world, before and above all his other longings, is the simplest and most ignominious sort of peace the peace of a trusty in a well-managed penitentiary. He is willing to sacrifice everything else to it. He puts it above his dignity and he puts it above his pride. Above all, he puts it above his liberty.” [As statists promise such peace, statists always have an advantage over lovers of liberty, libertists, in a democracy.]
    The common man loves peace and safety far more than he loves liberty. This may “explains his veneration for policemen, in all the forms they take — his belief that there is a mysterious sanctity in law, however absurd it may be in fact.” Mencken adds, “A policeman is a charlatan who offers, in return for obedience, to protect him [the common man] (a) from his superiors, (b) from his equals, and (c) from himself. This last service, under democracy, is commonly the most esteemed of them all.” [In reality, the ultimate job of the police is to protect the ruling elite, the real powers behind the political leaders, from the masses, i.e., the common man.] “In the United States, at least theoretically, it is the only thing that keeps ice-wagon drivers, Y.M.C.A. secretaries, insurance collectors and other such human camels from smoking opium, ruining themselves in the night clubs, and going to Palm Beach with Follies girls.” [To Mencken, the primary job of the police is to prevent personal vice.]
    Although the common man is deceived about liberty, “he starts from a sound premise: to wit, that liberty is something too hot for his hands — or, as Nietzsche put it, too cold for his spine. Worse, he sees in it something that is a weapon against him in the hands of his enemy.”
    Mencken adds, “The history of democracy is a history of efforts to force successive minorities to be untrue to their nature. Democracy, in fact, stands in greater peril of the free spirit than any sort of despotism ever heard of.” He continues, “The despot, at least, is always safe in one respect: his own belief in himself cannot be shaken. But democracies may be demoralized and run amok, and so they are in vast dread of heresy, as a Sunday-school superintendent is in dread of scarlet women, light wines and beer, and the unreadable works of Charles Darwin.” Then he remarks, “It would be unimaginable for a democracy to submit serenely to such gross dissents as Frederick the Great not only permitted, but even encouraged.” He notes, “Once the mob is on the loose, there is no holding it. So the subversive minority must be reduced to impotence; the heretic must be put down.”
    If a primary purpose “of all civilized government is to preserve and augment the liberty of the individual, then surely democracy accomplishes it less efficiently than any other form.” [The dictatorship of the proletariat does a much worse job. But, then, Mencken considers the dictatorship of the proletariat to be a form of democracy.] If the individual is worth thinking about, then “the superior individual is worth more thought than his inferiors.” Yet, “the superior individual  . . . is the chief victim of the democratic process. It not only tries to regulate his acts; it also tries to delimit his thoughts. . . . The aim of democracy is to break all such free spirits to the common harness. It tries to iron them out, to pump them dry of self-respect, to make docile John Does of them.” [Nearly all laws coming out of Congress and the statehouses seem to have as their primary objective the breaking of all free spirits to a common harness.]
    Democracy measures its success by the extent that it brings down superior men and makes them common. “The measure of civilization is the extent to which they resist and survive. Thus the only sort of liberty that is real under democracy is the liberty of the have-nots to destroy the liberty of the haves.” [Thus, the inferior man is a strong supporter of the welfare state because it brings down the superior man and destroys the liberties of the haves.] Mencken adds, “This liberty is supposed, in some occult way, to enhance human dignity.” In one aspect, perhaps, it does: “The have-not gains something valuable when he acquires the delusion that he is the equal of his betters. It may not be true but even a delusion, if it augments the dignity of man, is something.” Under this apparent reality, “the peasant no longer pulls his forelock when he meets the baron, he is free to sue and be sued, he may denounce Huxley as a quack.” [Thomas Huxley {1825–1895} was an English biologist and a prominent proponent of evolution, in which Mencken ardently believed.] Unfortunately, as the inferior is raised, the superior is lowered. Mencken notes, “If democracy really loves the dignity of man, then it kills the thing it loves.” It reduces all to a common level.

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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