Wednesday, June 17, 2015

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement -- Part 2


Martin Luther King 
Thomas Allen
[Editor's note: Footnotes in the original are omitted.]
    In 1955 Rosa Parks, a Negro and a Communist party activist,[101] began what became the Montgomery boycott when she refused to move to the back of a bus. She worked for the NAACP and had been instructed in agitation at the communist Highlander Folk School (HFS). Thus, Parks was not a simple seamstress; she was a communist operative. After deliberately violating the Montgomery bus ordinance, she was arrested and fined. As a result, she became a heroine of the Communist party. Thus, Communists through front operations began the civil rights movement in 1955.
    The Montgomery bus boycott was not a spontaneous event; it was planned. Parks had previously defied bus segregation laws. She was chosen to initiate the Montgomery boycott. King was chosen to lead it.
    Martin Luther King’s rise from obscurity to a godlike statue began with the Montgomery boycott. He conducted the boycott through the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA). Fred Shuttlesworth formed MIA. Bayard Rustin, King’s secretary and advisor, joined them in leading the boycott. (Rustin later accompanied King to Oslo, where King received the Nobel Prize for Peace.)
    In 1957 King, Shuttlesworth, and Rustin formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). King became its president, and Shuttlesworth, its vice president. (Later Shuttlesworth became the president of the Southern Conference Education Fund [SCEF], a communist front.) Andrew Young was the program director of SCLC.
    Also, in 1957 King attended a workshop at the HFS where he spoke. He praised Audrey Williams, a Communist, and Myles Horton, director of HFS. King was a sponsor of this workshop.
    In 1959 King invited Anne Braden and her husband Carl to join SCLC. Both were Communist and leaders in SCEF. King also fellowshipped with James Dombrowski, a Communist and executive director of SCEF. Moreover, SCEF provided financial support to King.
    King supported Jesse Gray. Gray promoted the use of violence to achieve Negro racist goals. King's support of Audrey Williams, Gray, and the SCEF shows that King did not abhor the use of violence. Furthermore, King wrote the foreword to Negroes With Guns by Robert Williams, a Communist, who promoted guerrilla warfare by blacks. He showed no aversion to associating with Communists and promoters of violence. Contrary to his reputation, he was not a peace-loving man. King associated with known Communists and communist sympathizers and with communist fronts. (FBI surveillance under the direction of Attorneys General Robert Kennedy and later Nicholas Katzenbach, who succeeded Kennedy, shows that King closely associated with known Communists.)
    King supported, sponsored, promoted, and otherwise associated with communist fronts besides SCEF. These fronts included the National Appeal for Freedom, National Committee on Un-American Activities, and Highlander Folk School.
    In 1963, state and local police seized internal documents when they raided SCEF’s headquarters in New Orleans. Based on these documents, the Louisiana Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities issued a report exposing the close relationship between SCEF and King and his SCLC and SNCC. Commenting on this report, columnist Holmes Alexander noted:
        It links the Fair Play For Cuba Committee, a Castro front, by common membership to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and the Southern Conference Educational Fund. It ties Martin Luther King to Communist leaders like James Dombrowski, Benjamin Smith and Bruce Waltzer, all three under indictment for multiple violations of the Louisiana anti-Communist statutes.
        . . . It traces the Communist-led race riots, which began in the South and moved to the North, through a maze of names like Bayard Rustin and King which reappeared last summer in the march on Washington.[102]
    A 1963 letter to Lee Lorch, a Communist,[103] from Dombrowski showed that the Communist party lobbied for the Civil Rights Act and that King collaborated with them. The letter reads in part:
        As part of a massive letter writing campaign, we propose to place a full-page ad in at least one newspaper in each of these 15 states.
        We enclose a layout and text for the ad to be signed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference; Dr. Martin Luther King, president; the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; and SCEF.
        SCEF will raise the money. . . .[104]   
       Another 1963 letter, this one from Carl Braden to Dombrowski, also reveals King’s close affiliation with Communists. This letter in part reads:
        The pressure that has been put on Martin [Luther King, Jr.] about [Hunter Pitts] O’Dell helps to explain why he has been ducking us. I suspected there was something of this sort in the wind.
        The UPI has carried a story quoting Martin as saying they have dumped O’Dell for the second time because of fear that the segreationists [sic] would use it against them. He expressed no distaste for Communists or their beliefs, merely puts it on the pragmatic basis that SCLC can’t handle the charges of Communism.[105]
    Uriah Fields, King’s secretary during the early years, wrote, “King helps to advance Communism. He is surrounded with Communists.”[106]
    Soon after the King Holiday became law, Michael Parenti wrote a letter to the New York Time that stated, “What if communists had links to Dr. King? The three areas in which King was most active — civil rights, peace and the labor struggle (the latter two toward the end of his life) — are also areas in which U.S. Communists have worked long and devotedly.”[107] Parenti, who was a frequent contributor to Political Affairs, an official magazine of the Communist party, shows that the civil rights movement is a communist movement and that King was a front man for the Communist party.
    Senator Jesse Helms remarked in the Congressional Record:
    . . . there is no evidence that Martin Luther King was a member of the Communist Party, but the pattern of his activities and associations in the 1950s and 1960s show clearly that he had no strong objection to working with and even relying on Communists or persons and groups whose relationships with the Communist Party were, at the least, ambiguous. It should be recalled that in this period of time (far more than today) many liberal and even radical groups on the left shared a strong awareness of and antipathy for the anti-democratic and brutal nature of Communism and its characteristically deceptive and subversive tactics. It is doubtful that many American liberals would have associated or worked with many of the persons and groups with whom King not only was close but on whom he was in several respects dependent. These associations and, even more, King’s refusal to break with them, even at the expense of public criticism and the alienation of the Kennedy Administration, strongly suggest that King harbored a strong sympathy for the Communist Party and its goals.[108]
    Although he was not a member of the Communist party, King was a Marxist and an advocate of political, social, and economic egalitarianism. He told his SCLC staff, “We must recognize that we can’t solve our problems now until there is a radical redistribution of economic and political power.”[109]
    King was a powerful promoter and advocate of the Negro Revolution. In a 1968 interview, he stated:
America is deeply racist and its democracy is flawed both economically and socially. . . . the black revolution is much more than a struggle for the rights of Negroes. It is forcing America to face all its interrelated flaws — racism, poverty, militarism, and materialism. It is exposing evils that are rooted deeply in the whole structure of our society. It reveals systemic rather than superficial flaws and suggests that radical reconstruction of society itself is the real issue to be faced.[110]
    In 1967 he told his SCLC staff:
For the last twelve years we have been in a reform movement. . . . But after Selma and the voting rights bill we moved into a new era, which must be an era of revolution. I think we must see the great distinction here between a reform movement and a revolutionary movement [which would] raise certain basic questions about the whole society. . . . this means a revolution of values and of other things.[111]
    Congressman John Ashbrook said before the House of Representatives, “King has consistently worked with Communists and has helped give them a respectability they do not deserve.”[112] Ashbrook “found King to be an apostle of violence and lawlessness, a racist, a power-hungry tyrant, an associate of ‘the most radical elements in our society,’ an individual who ‘has done more for the Communist Party than any other person of this decade.’ Ashbrook described King’s methodology as ‘criminal conduct and conspiracy, not civil disobedience.’”[113] Ashbrook was privy to many confidential reports on King.
    William Hoar described King as “a notorious libertine who was trained, backed, and advised by top Communists to provoke violence and build racial hatred as efficiently as any Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan.”[114]
    If one were to judge King by his character instead of his race, one would find him as anti-white, anti-freedom, anti-American, anti-morality, anti-free-market economy, anti-Western Civilization, and anti-South.
 [Editor's note: The list of references in the original are omitted.]

Endnotes --- Continued

101. Henry Makow, “Rosa Parks & Our Communist Corporate Elite,” Dec. 1, 2010, http://www.henrymakow.com/001228.html, accessed Dec. 8, 2010.

102. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 127.

103. Francis and Helms, p. 32.

104. Francis and Helms, p. 32.

105. Francis and Helms, p. 33.

106. “Chapter 4. Communism and Racial Tension,” The Modern History Project, http://www.modernhistoryproject.org/mhp/ArticleDisplay.php ?Article=FinalWarn04, accessed Nov. 5, 2005.

107. Francis and Helms, p. 6.

108. Francis and Helms, pp. 42-43.

109. Francis and Helms, p. 43.

110. Francis and Helms, p. 43.

111. Francis and Helms, p. 43.

112. Francis and Helms, p. 44.

113. Gannon, I, p. 400.

114. Hoar, Architects of Conspiracy, p. 317.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
 
Part 2 Part 3

More articles on social issues.

Monday, June 1, 2015

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement -- Part 1

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement
 Thomas Allen

[Editor's note: Footnotes in the original are omitted.]

    Early in the twentieth century, the racial plan to destroy the United States and the white race was laid out:
We must realize that our party’s most powerful weapon is racial tension. By propounding into the consciousness of the dark races that for centuries they have been oppressed by the whites, we can move them to the program of the Communist Party. In America we will aim for subtle victory. While inflaming the Negro minority against whites, we will instill in the whites a guilt complex for their exploitation of the Negroes. We will aid the Negroes to rise to prominence in every walk of life, in the professions, and in the world of sports and entertainment. With this prestige, the Negro will be able to intermarry with the whites and begin a process which will deliver America to our cause.[1]
Congressman Thomas Abernathy entered this quotation into the Congressional Record. It was from “A Racial Program for the 20th Century” (1912) by Israel Cohen, a British Fabian.
    Cohen reveals the real objective of the Negro Revolution and civil rights movement. This plan has been highly successful and has been mostly achieved.
    Soon after the Communists consolidated their position in Russian, they exported their revolution to the United States. Stalin sent Joseph Pogany, also known as John Pepper, to the United States to promote the Negro Revolution and Black Nationalism. The goal of Black Nationalism was to carve a Negro nation out of the United States. Pogany sought to convert American Negroes into communist revolutionists and to use them to destroy the United States. Black Nationalism grew into the Black Muslim and Nation of Islam movements. The “Million Man March” of 1995 and demands-for-reparations movement (the demand that today’s American Negroes be paid large sums of money and be given additional legal privileges because Negroes were slaves 160 years ago) are also out growths of Black Nationalism. Unlike most communist revolutions, the Negro Revolution has been more covert than overt. It has been a revolution concealed in the crime statistics and frequent riots.
    In 1925, the Communist party laid out its plan to use the Negro to ignite the Negro Revolution:
The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead the struggle of the Negro race against the exploitation and oppression in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary movement of the whole American working class . . . and connect them with the struggles of national minorities and colonial peoples of all the world and thereby the cause of world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.[2]
Part of this plan would make any act of discrimination against a Negro a crime. Blacks would receive greater benefits than whites.
    Part of the communist plan for Negro liberation was to agitate for “full racial, social, and political equality for the Negro people.”[3] Initially the Communist tried to get equality and independence for blacks in the South. In 1930, Stalin ordered that the Negroes in the North be included in the agitation for “equal rights.”[4]
    The most effective part of the Negro Revolution has been the communist plan to establish organizations to promote “civil rights” for Negroes. These “rights” include forced school integration, bussing students to a particular school because of their race, micro managing the hiring practices of business (covert quota systems), stripping landlords and home sellers of their right to rent or sell or not to rent or sell to whomever they desire, stripping restaurant owners of their right to serve whom they please, and admissions to college based on skin color. “Civil rights” have led to reverse discrimination (discrimination against whites), lower standards (especially for Negroes), double standards (higher standards for whites and lower standards for blacks), hiring and job promotions based on race instead of ability, denying people the right to choose, deteriorating education, stripping people (especially whites) of the freedom of speech and assembly, emphasizing a person’s race over his character, and degrading Negroes (are they admitted, hired, or promoted because of ability or because of race). Whites have been trained to cower before black militancy. If they do not, the weight of the U.S. government and the news media is brought to bear against them. The goal of the civil rights (equal rights, integration, black privileges) movement is to bring down the United States and the white race. It has led to revising the immigration laws to favor nonwhite immigrants, which has transformed into open borders, especially for nonwhites.
    For the most part, the leaders and organizers of the civil rights movement and other Negro movements, Negro riots, and Negro organizations have been Communists or communist sympathizers. Backing these leaders and organizers are globalists, one-worlders, heads of major foundations, international financiers, chief executives of multinational corporations, Zionist leaders, leaders of the occult, and other elitists — that is, the ruling elite.
    Most promoters of the Negro Revolution and the civil rights movement have been Communists or communist sympathizers. Most supported North Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Many supported Castro’s Cuba. They include:
        Herbert Aptheker: white, a Communist, editor of the communist journal Political Affairs, considered the chief theoretician of the Communist party in the United States, supporter of Congress of Racial Equality and Black Panthers, “encourage Negroes to be extremely militant in their pursuit of massive social revolution,”[5] author of numerous books and articles on the Negro in America and American history.
        Ralph Abernathy: a Negro, treasure and vice president of the Southern Christian Leadership League, a member of the advisory committee of the Congress of Racial Equality, a leading organizer of the Montgomery Improvement Association (the force behind the 1955-1956 Montgomery boycott and the use of Rosa Parks to initiate the boycott), threatened to burn the country down with his Poor People’s March on Washington if the U.S. government did not give Negroes enough largess.
        Ella J. Baker: a Negro, member of In Friendship (an organization that provided financial aid to blacks who were in legal trouble because of their political activity), established the Southern Christian Leadership Conference headquarters in Atlanta, a special consultant of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, and an active member of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee. (John Lewis called her “the spiritual mother of S.N.C.C.”[6])
        James Bevel: a Negro, civil rights agitator, one of King’s most militant lieutenants (1963-1968), member of Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee staff, head of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (a communist front). (Bevel remarked, “We must move to destroy Western Civilization.”[7])
        H. Rap Brown: a Negro, chairman of the Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee, Black Panther, member of the Republic of New Africa, (the geopolitical arm of the communist Revolutionary Action Movement), instigator of the East St. Louis Negro riot of 1967 and the Cambridge, Maryland, Negro riot of 1967. (Brown urged blacks to murder whites: “How can you be nonviolent in America, the most violent country in the world. . . . You better shoot that [white] man to death, that’s what he’s been doing to you.”[8])
        Ralph Bunche: a Negro, a Communist,[9] founder of the National Negro Congress, contributing editor of the communist magazine Science and Society, high official of the Institute of Pacific Relations (a communist front), U.S. delegate to the United Nations, a member of the Council on Foreign Relation.
        Stokely Carmichael: a Negro, chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, help organize the Black Panther party in Mississippi, promoter of Black Power. (Carmichael told a Negro audience, “I don’t ever want to hear you apologizing for a black man. Don’t you apologize for anyone who’s driven to throw Molotov cocktails. And don’t you call them riots, call them rebellions, for that’s what they are.”[10] Just before the 1967 riot in Cincinnati, “Carmichael urged Negroes to ‘fight the police and burn the city.’”[11])
        Revels Cayton: a Negro, a Communist,[12] and executive secretary of the National Negro Conference.
        Leroy Eldridge Cleaver: a Negro, a Black Muslim, a Black Panther leader, Peace and Freedom party (a communist front) candidate for President, considered himself “a member of the world communist movement which has made many sacrifices for the Soviet Union.”[13] (Speaking to a crowd of students in Paris via a tape-recorded message, Cleaver said, “Now is the time for us to move into the streets, to cause destruction, to drag this decadent system [of capitalism] over the cliff.”[14])
        George Crockett: a Negro, a Communist,[15] civil rights attorney, judge, vice president of the National Lawyers Guild (a communist front), a sponsor of the Civil Rights Congress. (Crockett remarked, “The Communist Party, greatest champion of Negro rights, doesn’t have to take their hats off to anyone when it comes to fighting on that issue. . . .”[16])
        Benjamin J. Davis, a Negro, a Communist,[17] Communist party secretary of Negro Affairs.
        John W. Dobbs: a Negro, a national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, on the board of the Southern Conference Educational Fund.
        James A. Dombrowski: white, a Communist,[18] executive director of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare and Southern Conference Educational Fund.
        W.E.B. DuBois: a Negro, a Communist,[19] affiliated with at least 96 communist fronts,[20] a founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and editor of its magazine The Crisis, recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1959. (He wrote, “The most ordinary Negro is a distinct gentleman, but it takes extraordinary training and opportunity to make the average white man anything but a hog.”[21])
        William Epton: a Negro, a Communist,[22] chairman of the Harlem Defense Council.
        James Farmer: a Negro, 1941-1945 race relation secretary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation (a radical-pacifist organization), field secretary for and later vice president of the socialist League of Industrial Democracy, a program director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (1959-1961), a founder and national director of Congress of Racial Equality (1961-1968).
        Herman B. Ferguson: a Negro, member of Revolutionary Action Movement.
        Milton Galamison: a Negro, organizer and leader of the New York school boycott in 1964, 1965, and 1968, director of the School Community Organized for Partnership in Education (which demanded racial integration of New York City schools and which received funding from the Ford Foundation), affiliated with the Southern Conference Education Fund, after the 1964 riot in New York threatened more and larger riots if New York City did not agree to his demands.
        Jesse Gray: a Negro, a Communist,[23] vice chairman of Communist party’s United May Day Committee, chairman of the Organization for Black Power (1965), campaign manager for Benjamin Davis in 1952 and 1958, organizer of the 1964 Harlem riot.
        John H. Holmes: white, a founder and national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for 55 years, affiliated with at least 30 communist organizations.[24]
        Myles Horton: white, founder and director of Highlands Folk School, affiliated with the Southern Conference Educational Fund and the Southern Conference for Human Welfare.
        George Houser: a Negro, a founder and director of the Congress of Racial Equality, executive director of the American Committee on Africa.
        Roy Innis: a Negro, associate director and later national director of the Congress of Racial Equality, executive director of the Harlem Commonwealth Council. (Innis displayed more wisdom and intelligence than most whites. He wrote, “Under segregation, black people live together but their institutions are controlled by whites. Under integration, black people are dispersed and the institutions, goods and services are still controlled by whites. In effect, the two are the same. But under separatism, black people will control their own turf.”[25] And, “We no longer want or seek integration. Integration ends up being almost as obnoxious to both blacks and whites as segregation.”[26] And, “Integration is a total failure. We must continue as a separate entity.”[27] And, “In America today there are two kinds of black people — the field-hand blacks and the ‘house niggers.’ We of CORE — the nationalists — are the field-hand blacks. The integrationists of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People are ‘house niggers.’”[28] According to Innis, the “house niggers” are mostly mulattoes of various degrees, who preferred living in the white world over living in the black world. [The “house niggers” have won in the political arena. However, as the United States disintegrate into multiracial multiculturalism, the field hand blacks are prevailing by segregating themselves from the social suicide of whites. When the Latinos, i.e., Indians and mestizoes mostly from Central America, reach a critical point, the “house niggers’” political victories will be overthrown. Then blacks will be fortunate to sit in the bus’ backseat as the Latinos may not even let them on the bus.])
        James Jackson: a Negro, a Communist,[29] Communist party secretary in charge of Negro and Southern Affairs,[30] a member of the World Peace Council (a Soviet-controlled front organization).
        LeRoi Jones: a Negro, poet, playwright, essayist, member of the Republic of New Africa cabinet, leader of the 1967 riot in Newark (Jones wrote, “We [blacks] must eliminate the white man before we will ever be able to draw a free breath on this planet.”[31] And, “We [blacks] must make our own world, man, and we cannot do this unless the white man is dead. Let’s get together and kill him.”[32] And, “I don’t see anything wrong with hating white people.”[33])
        Martin Luther King, Jr.: a Negro, president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee, founder of the Students Nonviolence Coordinating Committee. (See the Part 3 for more information on King.)
        Stanley Levison: white, a Communist,[34] liaison between the Communist party and the Soviet Union, involved in In Friendship, one of King’s top advisors in the 1960s. (Coretta Scott King, King’s wife, described Levison’s importance to her husband and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference: “Always working in the background, his contribution has been indispensable.”[35] Also, she wrote that Levison was one of her husband’s “most devoted and trusted friends.”[36])
        John Lewis: a Negro, a founder and leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, organizing member of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, advocated the communist position on the Negro Question. (Lewis urged “those of us involved in the freedom fight to bring about confrontations between the federal government and the state governments of the South.”[37])
        Lincoln Lynch: a Negro, associated director of the Congress of Racial Equality. (Lynch remarked, “If America doesn’t come around, we’re gonna burn it down.”[38])
        Floyd B. McKissick: a Negro, general council and later national director (1966-1967) of Congress of Racial Equality, a leader of the 1963 March on Washington, advocate of black power achieved through revolutionary means. (McKissick remarked, “Forget about civil rights. I’m talking about black power.”[39] [Thus, he reveals what Negroes really want: It is not integration per se; it is power.] And, “Negroes are not geared to nonviolence.”[40] He advised whites, “If you want to help, keep your mouth shut and get out of my way.”[41])
        Malcolm X: a Negro, Black Muslim leader, founder and chairman of the Organization of Afro-American Unity.
        Thurgood Marshall: a Negro, counsel for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, director and counsel of the Legal Defense and Educational Fund, U.S. circuit court judge, U.S. Solicitor General, U.S. supreme court justice. (Before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Marshal said, “I want you to understand that when the colored people take over, every time the white man draws a breath, he’ll have to pay a fine.”[42] [For the Senate to approve the nomination for the Supreme Court of someone who expressed such hatred for people because of their race makes one wonder what the ruling elite had on these Senators. If a white nominee ever said anything resembling this remark, he would be persona non grata for life.] About Marshall’s appointment to the Supreme Court, Representative Joe Waggoner commented, “I suppose we should be thankful it was not Stokely Carmichael who go the job.”[43])
        Elijah Muhammad: a Negro, Black Muslim leader.
        Huey P. Newton: a Negro, cofounder of the Black Panther party, neighborhood organizer in Oakland for the Office of Economic Opportunity, Peace and Freedom party candidate for Congress.
        Hunter Pitts O’Dell: a Negro, a high-level Communist,[44] King’s secretary, executive director of Southern Christian Leadership Conference, organizer of the Communist party in New Orleans, associate editor of the Communist party’s propaganda magazine Freedomways, member of the World Peace Council (a Soviet-controlled front organization).
        William L. Patterson: a Negro, a Communist,[45] executive secretary of the Civil Rights Congress.
        Philip Randolph: a Negro, first chairman of the National Negro Congress, national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee, affiliated with at least 20 communist organizations.[46]
        Bayard Rustin: a Negro, a Communist,[47] an organizer of Young Communist League (an arm of the Communist party), organizer of the 1947 Freedom Ride Through the South, King’s secretary (1955-1960) and advisor, an organizer the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, organizer of King’s 1958 March on Washington (which was a project of the Communist party[48]), leader of the 1963 March on Washington, a field secretary for Congress of Racial Equality. (Rustin suggested “that more bloody Negro suffering should be encouraged so that squeamish Northern Negroes would be horrified into line. . . .”[49])
        Bobby G. Seale: a Negro, cofounder and chairman of the Black Panther party, helped incite the riot during the 1968 Democratic Convention, organizer for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, member of Afro-American Association.
        Fred Shuttlesworth: a Negro, correspondence secretary and then vice-president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, president of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, leader of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality advisory committee.
        Susan Sontag: white, a birth mother of the revolution of the 1960s. (Sontag remarked, “The white race is the cancer of human history.”[50])
        Sterling Tucker: a Negro, head of the Washington Urban League of the National Urban League. (Tucker stated, “I view rioting as a tool of communication that more and more people will accept. Man needs to be heard, needs people to respond to him.”[51])
        Wyatt Tee Walker: a Negro, King’s chief of staff. (Walker declared, “If the Negro is to be given equality, our whole economy will have to be changed — probably to some sort of socialism.”[52])
        Andrew D. Weinberger: white, a national vice-president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, treasurer of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (a highly active communist organization[53]).
        Roy Wilkins: a Negro, executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, affiliated with at least seven communist organizations,[54] sponsor of a joint meeting of the communist League against War and Fascism and the communist controlled American Friends of the Chinese People in 1937. (Gannon described Wilkins as follows:
            Wilkins is undoubtedly one of the suavest spokesmen for Negroes in the civil rights area. He does preach nonviolence as a tactic, but at the same time, lards his speeches with references to police brutality and lynching and three-hundred-years-of-deprivation — just enough to keep militants from rejecting him. As for riots, Wilkins is extremely careful never to blame Negroes for instigating them and he characterizes riots as a “grass roots revolt” against conditions imposed upon Negroes. He never hints that anarchists, Communists, and black revolutionaries are conspiring to cause riots. And whatever solutions he offers to Negroes’ problems inevitably entails large expenditures of money by the federal government.[55])
        Aubrey Williams: white, a Communist,[56] president of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, director of the National Youth Administration under President Franklin Roosevelt. (King noted that Aubrey Williams was “one of the noble personalities of our time.”[57])
        Robert F. Williams: a Negro, a Communist,[58] a leader of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, cofounder and chairman-in-exile of the Revolution Action Movement, a founder of the communist Fair Play for Cuba Committee, a founder of the Black Liberation Front, a propagandist for Fidel Castro and Mao Tse-tung (Mao Zedong). (Williams declared “‘RAM and Black Panthers share a common objective’: guerilla warfare.”[59] Williams described Mao as “our great leader and teacher, the architect of people’s warfare.”[60])
        Max Yergan: a Negro, a Communist,[61] president of the National Negro Congress, writer for the communist Sunday Worker.
        Andrew Young: a Negro, trained at Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee.
        Whitney M. Young: a Negro, head of the National Urban League, presented himself as nonviolent to gain the support of (guilt-ridden) white liberals and (cowardly) white conservatives and then promoted black power.
    All these men were Communists or communist sympathizers.
    Manning Johnson, a former Communist and a Negro, describes black civil rights leaders as:
    The utter bankruptcy of the Negro intelligentsia is startlingly evident by reason of the absence of any strong and dramatic movement for genuine Negro organization, leadership and thinking. Deep in the swamp of inferiority, lack of ability, muddled thought, the Negro intelligentisiam [sic] looks to the phoney white liberals, politicians and progressive hypocrites for leadership, guidance and money. These “whites” are carriers of “isms” other than Americanism which spreads like an epidemic in the ranks of the hapless Negro intellectuals. Due to the lack of race pride, there is no immunity.[62]
    Johnson cites some things that the Communist led civil rights movement has accomplished for the Negro:
    [It has made the Negro:]
    (a) feel sorry for himself;
    (b) blame others for his failures;
    (c) ignore the countless opportunities around him;
    (d) jealous of the progress of other racial and national groups;
    (e) expect the white man to do everything for him;
    (f) look for easy and quick solutions as a substitute for the harsh realities of   competitive struggle to get ahead.
        The result is a persecution complex — a warped belief that the white man’s prejudices, the white man’s system, the white man’s government is responsible for everything. . . .[63]
At least the civil rights movement has given blacks an excuse for all their failures: racism.

Endnotes

1. Henry Makow, “Is Plan for Racial Strife Another Hoax?”, http://henrymakow.com/the_book_the_bankers_made_disa.html accessed June 13, 2008. Willie Martin, “Do You Care?” http://www.israelect.com/reference/WillieMartin/Inter-88.htm, accessed Feb. 24, 2015.

2. “Chapter 4. Communism and Racial Tension,” The Modern History Project, http://www.modernhistoryproject.org/mhp/ArticleDisplay.php ?Article=FinalWarn04, accessed Nov. 5, 2005.

3. Alan Stang, It’s Very Simple; The True Story of Civil Rights (Belmont, Massachusetts: Western Islands, 1965), p. 31.

4. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 31.

5. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, III (1972), p. 218.

6. Samuel Francis and Jesse Helms, The King Holiday and Its Meaning (1983,1998.), p. 29.

7. William P. Hoar, “Inside FBI Files on the Reverend Martin Luther King,” Conservative Digest, reprint.

8. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, I (1969), p. 188.

9. Gannon, I, p. 261. Alan Stang, “Forced Bussing: Crisis in Boston,” American Opinion, June 1975, p. 2.

10. Gannon, I, pp. 269-270.

11. John A. Stormer, The Death of a Nation (Florissant, Missouri: Liberty Bell Press, 1968), p. 27.

12. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 87.

13. Gary Allen, “Detroit,” American Opinion, April 1970, p. 3.

14. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, II, pp. 276-277.

15. Allen, “Detroit,” p. 7. Gannon, III, p. 296.

16. Allen, “Detroit,” p. 7.

17. Manning Johnson, Color, Communism and Common Sense (1958, Rpt. Belmont, Massachusetts: Robert Welsh, Inc., 1963) p. 9.

18. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 102.

19. Gannon, I, p. 140. Gannon, III, p. 338. Stang, It’s Very Simple, pp. 45, 129.

20. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 129.

21. Gannon, I, p. 141. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left IV (1973), p. 337.

22. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 77.

23. Gannon, III, p. 420. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 75.

24. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 129.

25. Gannon, III, p. 462.

26. Gannon, III, p. 462.

27. Gannon, III, p. 463.

28. Gannon, III, p. 464.

29. Johnson, p. 9.

30. Francis and Helms, p. 7. Johnson, p. 9.

31. Gannon, II, p. 434.

32. Gannon, II, p. 434.

33. Stormer, p. 32.

34. Francis and Helms, pp. 19ff. Paul Scott. “Marting Luther King Jr. and the Tapes,” Dec.1978, p. 13.

35. Francis and Helms, p. 21.

36. Francis and Helms, p. 21.

37. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 185.

38. Gannon, I, p. 45.

39. Gannon, I, p. 45.

40. Gannon, I, p. 45.

41. Gannon, I, p. 450.

42. Gannon, I, p. 439.

43. Gannon, I, p. 438.

44. Francis and Helms, pp. 7, 25-26. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 105.

45. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 94.

46. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

47. Gannon, I, p. 51.

48. Gannon, I, p. 518.

49. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 107.

50. Patrick J. Buchanan, The Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigratant Invasion Imperial Our Country and Civilization (New York, New York: Thomas Dunne Books, St. Martin’s Griffin, 2002), pp. 55, 71, 217.

51. Gannon, I, p. 613.

52. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 145.

53. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

54. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 128.

55. Gannon, I, p. 594.

56. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 101.

57. Hoar, “FBI Files.”

58. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 68.

59. David Emerson Gumaer, “The Panthers,” American Opinion, April 1970, p. 5.

60. Gannon, II, p. 587.

61. Stang, It’s Very Simple, p. 86.

62. Johnson, p. 61.

63. Johnson, p. 44.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Part 2

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