Sunday, October 30, 2016


[Editor’s note: This poem was written by my mother.]

Josephine Armstrong

A soldier now is he,
The time has come for him to cross the sea, and fight for his country.
In the hammock at midnight he lay,
Not knowing what weariness he would face the next day,

Through the porthole the moon beams shone,
As the soldier lay there wishing; for the break of dawn.
But soon he was awaken,
Take your place on deck came a shout!
This was all the soldier could hear day in and day out.

The winds would whisper and the waves would roll,
And in the wild blustering of bullets and bombs
He could hear them call for his soul.
But brave was the soldier both day and night,
For he wanted to win his fight,

At last, he had reached the foreign land,
And there he stood just off deck upon the sand,
He lifted his right hand upon his forehead and said:
He would fight for his country until he was dead.

The soldier marched on with his body in pain,
He was not ready to give up in vain.
His heart was breaking for a word from love ones back home,
But his address to them was unknown.

The soldier marched forward through blood, toil, cloud, and fire,
Never knowing when he would be able to retire.
While down in the sod, the soldier often lifted his head to heaven above and prayed to God,
For the soldier knew that it is He who is God of the Country and could give men their freedom and liberty.

The soldier marched far,
Still trying the war to bar,
Suddenly he was struck down by a bullet so powerful and strong,
That even the strings of his heart were stung,
He closes his eyes for no more can he see,
And he utters a Whisper, “My country I have done the best I could for Thee.”

Josephine Ann Armstrong
Written ”Year, 1939”

Copyright © 1939 by Josephine Ann Armstrong

More poems

Thursday, October 20, 2016

Review of The Deep South Says “Never” -- Part 2

Review of The Deep South Says “Never”
-- Part 2
Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 3, Martin describes the reaction of the Border States to the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision. They quickly surrendered unconditionally. [Such surrender did not lessen the frequency and intensity of racial strife and riots. If anything, surrendered encouraged them. During the 1950s most of the racial strife was Whites assailing Blacks. However, defeat after defeat eventually demoralized and cowed Whites while victory after victory emboldened Blacks. After Congress formerly joined the Communist integrationist movement in 1964 with the Civil Rights Act, Blacks began pushing and rioting in earnest. Thus, from the early 1960s to today most racial strife has been Blacks assailing Whites.] He focuses on Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky and concludes with a discussion of Tennessee.
    To comply with the desegregation decree, Baltimore decided to allow “any child [to] attend any school in the city” (p. 80). [Later, courts would object to such a solution because allowing freedom of choice did not integrate schools as fully as judges desired.]
    St. Louis’ approach to desegregation was to redraw the boundaries of the school districts (pp. 84-85). [Later, federal judges would not accept this approach unless the borders of the school district were drawn to integrate schools sufficiently to satisfy the judges’ integrationist lust.]
    Martin quotes Philip Hickey, superintendent of the St. Louis school system: “We think we’re through it. It’s working even better than we expected” (p. 85). [Could Hickey have really been this naive or ignorant? They were only beginning. The worse was yet to come. Apparently, he did not realize that the long-run goal of desegregation was to bring down the White race, even if it also destroyed the Black race, and by that, bring down the United States, Western Civilization, and Christianity.]
    Kentucky offered more resistance than Maryland or Missouri. However, it also surrendered [to federal tyranny] (pp. 85-87).
    Martin presents some of the discussions between segregationists and desegregationists in some Kentucky towns. Some people argued that the Supreme Court had made a decision and the people should obey it (87ff). [The same thing has happened with the Supreme Court’s decision to legalize homosexual “marriages” and other pervert agendas. Obeying tyrannical rulings of the Supreme Court has brought the country to the edge of destruction. One or two more such rulings will push it into the abyss of no return.] The more religious integrationists declared that desegregation, integration, was God’s will (pp. 87ff). [It may be the will of their god, but it is not the will of the God of the Bible. The God of the Bible is a Segregationist. His prophets and even His Son preached segregation from beginning to end. (V.  Integration Is Genocide, False Biblical Teachings on the Races and Interracial Marriages, People of the Flood, “Review of Segregation and Desegregation,” “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics,” “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation,” and “Is Integration a Moral Law?” all by Thomas Allen.)]
    Martin cites Omar Carmichael’s, the superintendent of the Louisville school system, promotion of desegregation. Part of his promotion included “Negro and white school interchanged assembly program. At one a Negro choir sang The Battle Hymn of the Republic while a white choir simultaneously recited the Gettysburg Address” (p. 95). [Both of them are highly anti-South. The Battle Hymn of the Republic advocates stomping out the South. The Gettysburg Address is nothing but pure political hypocrisy (v. H.L. Mencken’s comments on it in “The War”)]
    Louisville’s desegregation scheme was redrawing school district boundaries without regard to race and then allowing students to transfer to schools in other districts if they so desired. Not unsurprisingly, the NAACP objected to Louisville’s approach (p. 97). [Like all other school desegregation schemes if some federal judge decided that people did not voluntarily integrate themselves to the satisfaction of the judge, he would reject the plan — and often impose his own plan.]
    [In his description of the Border States desegregating, Martin identifies no White leader who was pushing school desegregation voluntarily sending his children to Black schools. Thus, they were and still are all hypocrites. {Some Whites have been so brainwashed and are so full of self-hate and probably subconsciously hatred for Blacks that they go out of their way to send their children to predominantly Black schools.}]
    In Chapter 4, Martin discusses some school segregationists. They include:
    –    Sam Engelhardt, leader of the Citizens’ Councils of Alabama and chairman of the Citizens’ Councils of America (pp. 105ff);
    –    Asa (Ace) Carter, a Citizens’ Councils leader in Alabama and rival of Engelhardt (pp. 107ff);
    –    John Kasper, a segregation activist and Citizens’ Councils leader from Tennessee (pp. 119ff)
    –    Robert Patterson, founder of the Citizens’ Councils movement, head of the Association of Citizens’ Councils of Mississippi, executive secretary of the Citizens’ Councils of America (pp. 123ff);
    –    J.P. Coleman, Governor of Mississippi (he was a moderate [i.e., weak] segregationists) (pp. 134ff) [Coleman seemed more of a scalawag and a quisling although not as openly as Governor Folsom of Alabama];
    –    W.J. Simmons, editor of the Citizens’ Council (pp. 137-140);
    –    John U. Barr, retired rope manufacturer from Louisiana, former vice president of the Southern States Industrial Council, and organizer of the Federation of Constitutional Government (pp. 140-141);
    –    Leander Perez, corporate lawyer and district attorney (pp. 140-142);
    –    James Eastland, U.S. Senator from Mississippi (pp. 140-142);
    –    Herman Talmadge, U.S. Senator from Georgia (p. 140).
    Carter lost his job as a radio broadcaster because:
In the broadcast, made during Brotherhood Week, Carter compared the National Conference of Christians and Jews to the Communist Party and said it favored desegregation, the Genocide Treaty, “race mongrelization,” and “dictatorial federal law to enforce integration” (p. 108).
[Carter was right — at least in the sense that the National Conference of Christians and Jews (now called  the National Conference for Community and Justice) was promoting the same agenda that the Communist Party promoted. Both fostered desegregation, i.e., integration, a policy that leads to mongrelization. Both supported the Genocide Treaty, which prohibited the eradication of a race because of its race but allowed the eradication of a race for political reason.  {Ironically, integration, especially governmentally forced integration, is contrary to the Genocide Treaty (v. Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Allen)} The Supreme Court’s desegregation ruling did lead to “dictatorial federal laws to enforce integration,” of which most proponents of that ruling support.]
    Engelhardt urged Southerners in general and Alabamians in particular to “‘talk white, think white, hire white, buy white, and remain white’” (p. 110). [For the most part, Whites have failed to heed Engelhardt’s words of wisdom. As a result, they are on the verge of losing their country, culture, and civilization. Blacks have done a much better job of talking Black, thinking Black, hiring Black, etc. Unfortunately, they have failed at keeping themselves Black as they strive to breed themselves out of existence.]
    Engelhardt offered some more sage advice: “We can’t give one inch. If we let a crack in the door, that’s it” (pp. 111-112). [The South cracked the door. Now they are on the verge of losing everything: their race, homes, religion, country, culture, and civilization. They have already lost their liberty, but most do not realize this loss.]
    Martin summarizes a speech that Congressman Grant gave at a Citizens’ Council meeting:
Announcing that he had “no apology for being here” and that he was a “friend of the Negro race,” he reviewed the legal history of the Court’s school desegregation decision. He attacked the “authorities” on whose testimony the Court had based its decision as men who belonged to Communist or Communist-dominated organizations. (Senator Eastland of Mississippi made a full dress Senate speech on this subject; it has been widely distributed by Citizens’ Councils.) He praised American greatness. He accused the State Department of trying to change American social customs in order to persuade other countries to accept “billions” that America was “giving away overseas” to thwart Russia. He said the NAACP wanted to wipe out all segregation, not only in schools and buses. This brought him to miscegenation, and he quoted prominent Negroes at length as favoring it. He said even “some white people right here in the state of Alabama in the teaching profession” believe in miscegenation. A Senate filibuster was the only hope against current “vindictive” and “punitive” civil rights legislation (pp 113-114).
[Grant spoke truthfully, but most ignored him. Thus, it was “the night they drove old Dixie down.”]
    Commenting on changes taking place in the school system prior to desegregation, Carter asks, “Is the system of education preparing our children for a competitive, free America, where there are naturally frustrations, or is it preparing them for a non-competitive, integrated, communistic slave-state?” (pp. 118-119). [With 60 years of hindsight, we now know the answer. The educational system was changed to prepare children “for a non-competitive, integrated, communistic slave-state.”] He states that a school superintendent told him that the changes were being made to “remove the competitive system and prevent frustrations” (p. 118). [Apparently, people involved in setting educational policies, including people in the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, were convinced that Blacks were intellectually inferior to Whites. Therefore, the curricula had to be dumbed down to prevent Black frustration.]
    Patterson said, “If there’s no Nigras, integration’s beautiful. A fine thing. Everybody’s for integration — for the other fellow. Resistance to integration is directly proportionate to the Nigra population” (p.126). [Polls at that time supported Patterson’s claim. Whites tended to favor integration in proportion to the lack of Blacks in their area. That is, Whites in areas with few or no Blacks favored integration much more than Whites in areas with a large Negro population compared with the White population.]
    [Patterson points out the hypocrisy of Yankees.] Senators Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and Wayne Morse of Oregon were the strongest advocates of integration. Yet their states hardly had any Negroes with whom to integrate. Minnesota had 14,000, and Oregon had 11,000. Patterson declared:
If the North really wants to be objective, let all the Northern states bring themselves up to the national average — let each state import enough Nigras to bring its Nigra population up to 10 per cent, the national average. Minnesota needs 284,000 Nigras to bring it up to the national average. We don’t want to postpone this problem. Why doesn’t Hubert Humphrey go to his people and say, “I want you to work to provide  284,000 accommodations — schools, houses and churches — for 284,000 more Nigras that I’m goin’ to  bring in  here.”  We  realize  Senator Humphrey wants to help us or he wouldn’t be making all this racket. We’re in a better position to tell him how to help us than anyone else is. And we’re not going to tell them how to handle those Nigras. We’re not going to advocate civil rights legislation. We’re just going to share the problem since they are so willing to share the solution (p. 126).
[Of coarse, the North would never entertain such a solution. Deep down, Yankees despised Blacks; they just love them in the abstract. They did not and most still do not want to be around Blacks. To them Blacks were and are an abstraction, and not a concrete reality as they were and are in the South. Thus, they enacted the civil rights laws and related laws to encourage Blacks to stay in their place, i.e., to stay in the South. The plan worked for a few years until some renegade federal judges began enforcing the civil rights laws in the North.]
    Patterson adds, “Hubert Humphrey says we should integrate because of Russia and the cold war and the opinion of the Asiatics. So I’m to destroy my children here in Sunflower County in order to impress the Asiatics” (pp. 126-127). [That’s right! Actually, Patterson was to offer his children to bring down the Southerner. Humphrey was not going to do anything to harm the Soviet Union. He always sought to appease the Soviet Union and Communists. He was about as close as one can be to being a Communist without becoming a card-carrying member of the Communist Party. Moreover, he was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (v. “Council on Foreign Relations” by Thomas Allen) and a founder and vice president of the socialist American for Democratic Action. Humphrey promoted the New World Order with its one world government (Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, I (1969), p. 374). {Also see, That Man from Minnesota by Joyce Press.}]
    Patterson notes that many people in the North believe in segregation. His proof is that they live in segregated neighborhoods. He adds, “It’s a pitiful thing in this nation when a man is not allowed to speak out for what he believes” (p. 127). [Such oppression has only gotten worse over the last 60 years. People have lost their jobs for speaking out.]
    Patterson remarks that changes in agriculture and the economy is making the Negro unwanted. Mechanization of agriculture and the conversion of cotton fields to pastures for cattle are driving the Negro from the land. Industrialization has not helped the Negro much. Manufacturers want skilled labor, not unskilled former farmhands. Moreover, desegregation is also making the Negro unwanted. As a result, Negroes are migrating northward. [Thus, the scheme of Yankeedom to keep the Negro in his place — in the South — has backfired.]
    About the Indians in Mississippi, Patterson says, “The Indians don’t want niggers in their schools. They’re proud their race” (p. 132).
    He remarks that the White schools that his children attend is not nearly as good as the Black school. Thus, he is a victim of prejudice (p. 132).
    Patterson thought that segregation would prevail and eventually spread to the Northern states. [Patterson was wrong. Within a few years all the schools throughout the South would be integrated. A few years after that, those in the North would be integrated. Integration did not stop with schools; it invaded every aspect of life.]
    In Chapter 5, Martin discusses how desegregation has worked in the Border States. [In short, the Border States surrendered completely and unconditionally with hardly any resistance to federal tyranny.] He discusses some problems that teachers and pupils, especially Black pupils, have had. The problems that Black pupils had were learning to behave and trying to perform at the same level as White pupils. Martin fills this chapter with praises for Black pupils and parents.
    The excuse offered by school officials and other integrationists for the lower achievement of Blacks is social and economic conditions and “inferior teaching in  the old all-Negro schools” (p. 148). [This excuse means that Black teachers are inferior to White teachers, and is, therefore, an insult to Black teachers.] For segregationists, the lack of Black achievement resulted from “inherent Negro inferiority” (p. 148). [This is the old environment verses genetics argument. The segregationists were right.  As many scientific studies show, genetics is a far more important determinant of intelligence than is environment. Genetics accounts for about 75 percent of intelligence. {V. The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Inheritance of Mental Ability by Cyrll Bur, Man’s Racial Nature and Race and Politics: the Racial Controversy by H.B. Isherwood, Race Difference in Intelligence by John C. Loehlin, Major Findings from Twin Studies of Ability, Personality, and Interests by Robert C. Nichols, Racial Difference in Mental Growth and School Achievements by R. Travis Osborne. Race, Intelligence and Bias in Academe by Roger Pearson, Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective by J. Philippe Rushton, A Question of Intelligence: The IQ Debate in America by Daniel Seligman, and Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Coley Allen}
    Martin writes “[E]veryone except dedicated segregationists expect that in a few years Negroes will do as well as Whites” (p. 148). [Everyone except the dedicated segregationists were wrong. After sixty years of integration and dummying down the educational system for the benefit of Blacks, Blacks on average still lag behind Whites intellectually. Rigging the system for their benefit and to the detriment of Whites has not helped Blacks. However, it has hurt Whites and the country — thus harming Blacks.]
    Martin quotes a teacher saying, “I haven’t heard one say we’d been unfair” (p. 151). [How things have changed!]
    Martin notes how integrated sports teams destroyed resistance to integration (p. 151). [That goes to show that most people place sports above the preservation of their race.]
    In Chapter 6, Martin discusses the resistance to desegregation in the Deep South. He continues his discussion of the work of the Citizens’ Councils to prevent desegregation, the future of the Citizens’ Council, and opposition to the Citizens’ Councils. He remarks that “the Councils are essentially a middle-class movement, with a sprinkling of the top of society” (p. 155). Also, he discusses the rise of the Klan and the progress made to desegregate. Then he identifies three by-products of opposing desegregation: the rise of anti-Semitism, trouble in the labor movement, and abridgement of free speech.
    Martin writes, “Some Southerners, weary of being caricatured as a bunch of Claghorns and Kluxers and haters, wish the agitation would stop” (p. 155). [These Southerners invert the motto of North Carolina, which is “To Be Rather Than To Seem,” to “To Seem Rather Than To Be.” Their self-esteem is so low that it depends on what people whom they have never met and will never meet think of them. However, they are conceited enough to believe that these strangers will think about them. Moreover, they fail to realize that there are three types of people in this world. First are those who go with the flow, which is the majority, and do not matter. Then there are those who just want to be left alone and those who are determined not to leave them alone. As long as anyone in these two groups live, peace and harmony cannot exist.]
    Martin states, “Jews, themselves a religious minority, have traditionally tended to view sympathetically the plight of any minority” (p. 159). [One minority whom Jews do not view sympathetically and whom they have sought to destroy is the Southerner. {Many Jews in the South opposed integration and did not seek to destroy the South}Furthermore, Jews controlled the NAACP and many were Communists. Thus, segregationists gave the appearance of being “anti-Semites.” So many integrationists were Jews and so many Jews were integrationists that to oppose integrationists gave the appearance of opposing Jews per se. Furthermore, Martin errors when he refers to Jews as a religious group. They are not. They are an ethnic group, a nationality. Most Jews, probably a majority, are atheists, agnostics, or nonreligious {v. Zionism: A Brief History 1800-1949 by Thomas Allen}].
    Martin writes, “A third by-product is the abridgment of free speech. Preachers who opposed segregation lost their pulpits. Books were banned, professors fired.” [Any preacher who preaches against the clear teachings of the Bible ought to lose his pulpit. Moreover, proponents of integration, miscegenation, and amalgamation of the races have been far more effective at banning books and firing professors. Most people live in such fear of them that they always have to watch what they say so as not to offend easily and highly offended integrationists, miscegenationists, and amalgamators.]
    Martin quotes Roy Wilkins of the NAACP saying, “I didn’t expect murders, nor the petty, cruel persecution of ordinary Negroes who signed school petitions. This is the Hitler pattern, the Soviet Russia pattern” (p. 168). [Wilkins has it backwards. In Hitler’s Germany and Soviet Russia, the central government imposed tyrannical, despotic decrees on the people. In the South, the people were trying to protect themselves from a tyrannical, despotic central government imposing its decrees on them. Thus, the exact opposite was occurring in the South as occurred in Hitler’s Germany and Soviet Russia. Unfortunately, they failed, and the country is being destroyed by an ever-growing tyrannical, despotic government that is becoming more and more like Nazi Germany. Furthermore, Martin fails to mention that Wilkins was affiliated with at least seven communist organizations, and therefore, pro-Soviet Russia organizations. Thus, Wilkins was a front man for Communism and the Soviet Union {v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen}.]
    Martin writes, “An expert, asked when he thought the Deep South would desegregate, replied, "Never. . . . Most Southerners agree” (p. 168). [Either Southerners then had a short time span for “never,” or they were extremely naive, or they were deliberately fooling themselves. Within a few years, all school systems would be fully interrogated. By the end of the Centennial in 1965, the South had been as thoroughly defeated as it was in 1865. Within a decade, the rest of the country would have been as abjectly defeated as the South.]
    Martin notes that Southerners were aware the possibility of the U.S. government using troops to enforce desegregation. Many expected that if it did, a civil war, or something close to it would happen. Simmons of the Citizens’ Council said, “To me it is inconceivable that the rest of the country would stand for the South to be put to the sword” (p. 170). [The U.S. government did use troops in Alabama and Arkansas. Not only did the rest of the country stand by and do nothing, parts of it cheered the tyrant on. To the detriment of the country, the South submitted and surrendered unconditionally to despotism and tyranny. Now the country is enjoying the fruits of the South’s defeat.]
    Martin asks, “How high a price is the South willing to pay to maintain its peculiar institution? And how high a price is the North willing to exact to destroy the institution?” (p. 172). [To the detriment of the country, the White race, Western Civilization, and Christendom, the North was willing to extract a higher price than the South was willing to pay. Thus, the North brought down the country, the White race, Western Civilization, and Christendom. Nearly all the problems of today can be traced back to the Supreme Court’s disregard for and destruction of the Constitution with its desegregation ruling of 1954.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen 

Part 1 

More articles on social issues

Monday, October 10, 2016

Review of The Deep South Says “Never” -- Part 1

Review of The Deep South Says “Never”
-- Part 1
Thomas Allen

    This article is a review of The Deep South Says “Never” by John Barlow Martin (New York: Ballantine Books, 1957). My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    Martin favors desegregation, but is more sympathetic toward the segregationists than are most integrationists. Most of his book is a discussion of the struggle to desegregate schools in the South, especially the Deep South between 1954 and 1957. Most of his discussion is presented through the eyes of the Citizens Councils and its supporters and opponents. The Citizens’ Councils fought to keep schools segregated.
    In Chapter 1, Martin discusses the origins and expansion of the Citizens’ Councils. These Councils were formed to support the status quo of segregation and  to oppose the Communist organized and led desegregation-integration movement. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.) [Desegregation, which implies choice, is a euphemism for integration, which is force.]
    Robert Paterson was a founding member of and driving force behind the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 1-3). He declared:
We just felt like integration would utterly destroy everything that we valued. We don’t consider ourselves hate-mongers and racists and bigots. . . .  We were faced with integration in a town where there are twenty-one hundred Negro students and seven hundred white. We didn’t feel the Supreme Court had the right to come into the state and forcibly cause the schools which were supported by the taxpayers of Mississippi to be integrated and therefore destroyed (p. 3).
[His prophecy proved to be much more accurate than the proponents of desegregation (v. “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics,” “A Review of the Negro Revolution in America,” and “Review of Segregation and Desegregation” all by Thomas Allen). School integration did lead to the destruction of what most Southerners valued. Integration led to the flooding the country with non-White immigrants and aliens, both legal and illegal. Whites will soon be a minority in their own country. It led to the war on poverty, war on drugs, war on terrorism, among other wars, and the civil rights movement. These lead to the welfare-warfare state and the police state where the movements and communications of every inhabitant are tracked. Integration has led to the Supreme Court, President, and Congress making the Constitution irrelevant.]
    [However, Martin was a poor prophet.] He writes, “Today [1957] it seems unlikely that desegregation will be accomplished in the Deep South in the foreseeable future” (p. 4). [He does not define “foreseeable future.” If he meant a decade, he was wrong. Within 10 years of his writing not only did school integration rule the South, so did integration of just about everything else. With the exception of small, scattered, irrelevant pockets of resistance, the South had surrendered unconditionally to the Communist led civil rights movement. With the fall of Lester Maddox in 1964 nearly all resistance ceased. Even Maddox had  mostly surrendered by the time he became governor in 1967.]
    Martin shows that the civil rights movement trumped the Constitution: “And in West Virginia when mothers picketed a desegregated school a judge said if they didn’t stop: “I’ll fill the jail until their feet are sticking out of the windows” (p. 5). [This example shows the utter contempt that this judge has for the First Amendment. In matters of race, most federal judges have the same attitude toward Whites.]
    Martin notes that most schools in the Border States desegregated in 1955 and 1956 without court orders and without incident (p. 5). [Later, the courts would order many of these school districts to integrate because not enough Blacks chose to attend White schools and almost no Whites chose to attend Black schools.]
    He also notes that many of the Black pupils in White schools sat in segregated classrooms (p. 5). [Courts would soon intervene and order classrooms to be integrated.]
    Martin remarks that although schools in Northern cities were desegregated de jure, they were segregated de facto (p. 6). [In most areas in the North, school districts were drawn along neighborhood lines. As Blacks and Whites lived in different neighborhoods, they attended neighborhood schools, which were segregated. Courts ended this practice by ordering forced busing. As a result, protests by Whites in the North were often as violent, if not more so, than what had occurred earlier in the South.]
    As Martin points out, many Southerners saw the Supreme Court’s decision to desegregate schools as destroying the Southern way of life. It went far beyond schools and entered every aspect of life. Martin gives this description:
To Southerners the Court’s decision seemed to do far more than break down segregation in the schools; it rent the seamless garment of apartness. Apartness of the races is a black and white thread woven into the fabric of Southern life — its social, political, sexual, cultural, economic life. Apartness is like a vine which, rooted in slavery, never uprooted but merely twisted by the Civil War, flourished and by now entangles everyone and everything in a suffocating net from which no one, white or black, knows how to extricate himself. Its manifestations have an infinite richness and complexity (p. 7).
    He adds that in the South Blacks and Whites segregate mostly because of custom. Very few laws prescribed segregation (p. 7).
    Martin describes some of the actions taken by some Southern States in response to the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision. They included denying funds to desegregated schools, tuition grants to children to attend private schools, and empowering school boards to assign Blacks and Whites to different schools but not based on race. The South sought to fight the Supreme Court through lawful resistance (pp. 7-8). [Such an attempt was doomed to fail. Long ago the States, in disregard of the Constitution, had acceded to the Supreme Court the ultimate authority to decide what was lawful. Only the most naive would expect the Supreme Court to decide against itself. This resistance only delayed the inevitable.]
    Martin describes the Citizens’ Councils as follows:
From the outset, the Citizens’ Council movement forswore violence. It proposed to prevent desegregation by legal means. It sought the leadership in every town of only the most respected citizens. It avoided entanglement with former Klan leaders. It eschewed secrecy; its meetings were held in downtown public buildings and were open to the public (though policy was likely to be made at smaller private meetings in the leaders’ homes). Thus the Councils sought to enlist the support of professional men, clergymen, politicians, business leaders and the middle class (pp. 13-14).
[In short, Citizens’ Councils were not nefarious. They sought to counterbalance organizations like the NAACP to protect the White man’s interest — something most Whites have no desire to do today.]
    Martin discusses the spread of the Councils and some of the key members and their thoughts. He gives a synopsis of Judge Brady’s Black Monday, which reflects the thoughts and positions of the Councils (pp. 16ff). Judge Brady identifies the amalgamation of the races as the ultimate goal of desegregation. Brady declares, “The Negro proposes to breed up his inferior intellect and whiten his skin and ‘blow out the light’ in the white man’s brain and muddy his skin” (p. 19). [Marriage statistics support Brady’s claim of Blacks lusting to interbreed with Whites. Interracial White marriages increased 1518 percent between 1960 and 2010 while interracial Black marriages increased 1353 percent during that time. In 2010, 3 percent of White marriages were interracial compared with 0.14 percent in 1960. In 2010 14 percent of Black marriages were interracial compared with 1.65 percent in 1960. (V. “Interracial Marriages” by Thomas Allen.)] Martin continues his discussion of Black Monday by giving some of Brady’s solutions (p. 20). These solutions included:
    1.    creating a state to which all American Negroes could be shipped [American Negroes should be given an independent country so that they can be free of the White man’s rule and to thwart the White man’s self-destruction.];
    2.    adopting constitutional amendments to strengthen states’ rights [This is one of his best recommendations.];
    3.    electing Supreme Court justices and the attorney general by popular vote;
    4.    establishing qualifications for Supreme Court justices;
    5.    abolishing public schools if all else fails and refunding taxes to White parents to finance private education while letting Blacks educate themselves [Public education ought to be abolished in any event. The primary purpose of public schooling is to indoctrinate children to become obedient servants of the ruling elite. Why should anyone be forced to have his children, or anyone else’s children, taught doctrines and dogmas with which he disagrees?];
    6.    employing economic boycotts by Whites ceasing hiring Blacks and shipping the resulting destitute Blacks to the North [If all Blacks in the South were shipped to the North and put in the neighborhoods of the ruling elite, the Supreme Court would quickly rule that not only is school segregation required by the Constitution, but geographical segregation is also required.].
    Martin continues describing the growth and objectives of the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 21ff). He quotes from a leaflet titled The Citizens’ Council by Patterson. In it Patterson writes:
Maybe your community has had no racial problems! This may be true; however, you may not have a fire, yet you maintain a fire department. You can depend on one thing: The NAACP, aided by alien influences, bloc-vote-seeking politicians and left-wing do-gooders, will see that you have a problem in the near future. The Citizens’ Council is the South's answer to the mongrelizers. We will not be integrated (p. 22)!
[Patterson was both right and wrong. He was wrong in that the mongrelizers did force the South to integrate. He was right about the NAACP and its allies bringing the integration-Negro-“civil rights” problem to the North. Within a decade Blacks were rioting, looting, and burning throughout the North and in the West.]
    Moreover, “Patterson wrote: ‘If we are bigoted, prejudiced, un-American, etc., so were George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln and our other illustrious forebears who believed in segregation’” (p. 22). [Because Washington and Jefferson were segregationists and, worse, slave owners, Blacks and self-hating Whites are trying to eradicate their names from the country. Buildings and streets named after them, and other segregationists and slave owners, are being renamed. Soon the name of a state and the capital of the country may be changed because they are named after the slave owning Washington.]
    In his leaflet, Patterson writes, “If we submit to this unconstitutional, judge-made integration law, the malignant powers of atheism, communism and mongrelization will surely follow . . .” (p. 22). [Again, Patterson proves to be a much greater prophet than the integrationists. The United States have been de-Christianized. The ten planks of the Communist Manifesto have been mostly implemented. Mongrelization is accelerating.]
    Patterson stated that if Southerners stood united against the integrationists they could defeat them. [Southerners did not stand. Too many followed the quisling and scalawag political, business, academic, and religious leaders who betrayed the South and the White race to the Communist led civil rights movement. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.)] To this unconditional surrender and integration-is-inevitable-and-we-can-do-nothing-about-it attitude, Patterson retorted:
Our Southland by every material line of reasoning should already be a land of mulattoes. Eighty years ago our unconquerable ancestors were beaten, in poverty and degradation, unable to vote and under the heel of Negro occupation troops. . . . Are we less than they? We are the same blood; white blood that was kept pure for you for 6,000 years by white men (p. 24).
[A major handicap that Whites face is that they are unable to unite like Blacks. Blacks are effective at uniting and acting en masse with voting, boycotts, etc. Whites seem completely unable to unite even save their race or country from mongrelization. The White ruling elite, who place the acquisition of wealth and power and serving Lucifer above all else, manipulate Blacks to act en masse to advance the causes of the ruling elite while they keep Whites divided. Thus, they are destroying the White race so that they can bring down America, Western Civilization, and Christianity.]
    Besides the Citizens’ Councils, Martin identifies several other pro-Southern organizations: the American States’ Rights Association, the National Association for the Advancement of White People, the National Association for the Preservation of the White Race, the Southerners, the Heritage Crusade, and the Southern Gentlemen (p. 26).
    Martin describes some of the tactics used by the Citizens’s Councils to forestall integration. Exposure was chief among them. Another was economic boycotts (pp 28ff). [Blacks would later use economic boycotts much more effectively than Whites ever did in the South.]
    [Just as President Obama’s rhetoric increase gun sales,] so did the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision increased the membership of the Ku Klux Khan (p. 32).
    Martin identifies some criticism levied against the Citizens’ Councils. They included displacing lawful authority of the courts, silencing their critics in churches, denying credit to their opponents, using economic boycotts, and driving people who disagreed with them out of the State (p. 32). [When Blacks organizations use the same or similar tactics to advance their cause, which are often nefarious, they are heralded as heroes overcoming oppression. When Southerners used them to overcome the oppression of despotic, tyrannical government, they were condemned.]
    Martin presents Governor Folsom of Alabama as a scalawag. [Most likely, he does so unintentionally.] Folsom sided with the despotic, tyrannical U.S. government in its war against the South and against the Whites of Alabama. He sided with the NAACP and against the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 37-38). [Martin does not state that Folsom acted so bluntly or overtly.  Nevertheless, this is the essence of what Folsom did. Perhaps Folsom’s appeasing action was behind the Communists and the NAACP and other Black organizations choosing Montgomery for their bus boycott (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen). Moreover, they could foment riots by enticing the police to batter protesting Blacks to gain sympathy and support — especially from reconstructionist Yankees who wanted to destroy the South and rebuild it in their own image (v.  “The First Reconstruction” and “The Second Reconstruction” by Thomas Allen). They got the riots.]
    Martin discusses the incident of a federal court ordering the University of Alabama to admit Autherine Lucy, a Negro, and how it greatly increased the membership of the Citizens’ Council (pp. 38-39).
    In Chapter 2, Martin discusses the poor Black farming communities of Clarendon County, South Carolina. He contrasts these Negro communities with the small town of Summerton, which is inhabited mostly by Whites. However, Negroes also live in this town where they own and operate their business (pp. 43-45). Then he discusses the involvement of Negroes of this county in a lawsuit that lead to the Supreme Court’s desegregation decisions of 1954 and 1955 (v. next paragraph) and some of the court’s proceedings and its decision. Next he describes Clarendon County, life there, and the schools. The three Black schools are newer than the one White school (pp. 52-62). Finally he discusses the reaction to the Supreme Court’s decision, which was to resist it. He also describes the response of Blacks and their attempt to overcome the economic boycott. The desegregation decision greatly strained race relation (pp. 61-77).
    This lawsuit was combined with several other similar lawsuits and brought before the Supreme Court. Thurgood Marshall of the NAACP represented the Negro plaintiffs (p. 48). [However, Martin fails to mention Marshall’s Communist leanings and his hatred of Whites (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen).] Martin notes that in parts of the South the desegregation decision would force many White children to attend Black schools (p. 50). [This situation contrasts sharply with the common perception and propaganda of the integrationists of that time that only a few Blacks would attend White schools. Integrationists seldom mentioned Whites being forced to attend Black schools. To his credit Martin is one of the few who does.]
    Martin quotes federal Judge John Parker as saying:
Whatever may have been the views of this court as to the law when the case was originally before us, it is our duty now to accept the law as declared by the Supreme Court. Having said this, it is important that we point out exactly what the Supreme Court has decided and what it has not decided in this case. It has not decided that the federal courts are to take over or regulate the public schools of the states. It has not decided that the states must mix persons of different races in the schools or must require them to attend schools or must deprive them of the right of choosing the schools they attend. What it has decided, and all that it has decided, is that a state may not deny any person on account of race the right to attend any school that it maintains. The Constitution, in other words, does not require integration. It does not forbid such segregation as occurs as the result of voluntary action. It merely forbids the use of governmental power to enforce segregation (pp. 53-54).
[One wonders what kind of drug this judge was on when he made this absurd statement. The Supreme Court would make clear within a few years that Parker was wrong. Federal courts would soon “take over and regulate” public schools, even to the point of levying local taxes and appropriating local funds. Moreover, federal courts would soon decree “that the states must mix persons of different races in the schools.” The Constitution may not require integrating, but federal courts certainly did. By 1865 the Constitution had ceased being the law of the land. Edicts, whims, of the U.S. government, primarily through the Supreme Court, had become the supreme law of the land. When parents did not voluntarily choose to integrate in sufficient numbers to satisfy some federal judge, the judge with the backing of the Supreme Court forced integration. To the surprise of and against the wishes of many Northerners, federal courts even forced integration of Northern schools. At least some poetic justice came out of the integration movement. Most Northerners were only too happy to impose integration in the South. However, when the monster that they had fed and encouraged turned to devour them, they strongly objected.]
    Martin notes that most Blacks in Clarendon County earned their living in agriculture, mostly working in cotton fields. However, mechanization eliminated many of these jobs. Moreover, the federal farm program that drastically reduced the acreage used for growing cotton cost many Blacks their jobs — probably more than mechanization (pp. 58-59).
    In a small gathering of Whites and Blacks, Reverend Henry Rankin said, “. . . about the fallacy of trying to get your rights by going to court. That’s not the way to get your social rights. It always leaves a bad taste in the mouth, no matter who wins” (p. 65). [Unfortunately, too few Negroes heeded his wise words.]
    Martin reveals the naiveness of far too many Southerners during this era (p. 72) [a naiveness that unfortunately still exists]. [They actually thought that federal judges would listen to reason and not impose integration. They failed to realize that the ruling elite wanted integration. Whites were going to integrate regardless. If Whites did not voluntarily integrate, the courts would force them to integrate, and the courts did. Whatever Whites or even Blacks thought about this matter was irrelevant.]
    Martin quotes Reverend Richburg, a Black minister. Richburg believed that White opposition to integration based on mongrelization was just an excuse. He said, “They pretend we’re just like a lion, going to jump on a white girl and rape her. Or going to marry her. It wouldn’t happen” (p. 77). [Unfortunately for Richburg, crime statistics (v. “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen) and marriage statistics (v. “Interracial Marriages” by Thomas Allen) prove him wrong.] [Like most Blacks,] Richburg accused Whites of prejudice (p. 77). [Prejudice as defined by pro-integrationist T.B. Matson means “a prejudgment, or judgment not based on knowledge or experience. It implies an opinion based on insufficient or irrelevant data.” This is a good definition. Having lived, worked, and associated with Negroes for more than 400 years, no group knows the Negro better than the Southerner. He has more than 400 years of experience with and knowledge of the Negro. Whatever caused Southerners to adopt segregation, it was not racial prejudice as Richburg surmise. However, racial prejudice may in part explain why sanctimonious Northerners, who are much less familiar with the Negro, segregated racially by custom.]
    Richburg was right about one thing: Whites in the South would not abolish public schools. If they did, it would be short-lived (p. 76). [In spite of all the bombast to the contrary, Southerners would choose the public school (public indoctrination) system over freeing themselves from governmental indoctrination. They chose to have their children indoctrinated with the “virtues” of integration and mongrelization among other perversions like the homosexual agenda. They chose to have their children taught a new religion instead of Christianity. Their children would now be taught to worship Martin Luther King and the Negro race. (In Islamic terms, the Negro is God and King is his prophet.) Moreover, they chose to suppress freedom of speech for the sake of political correctness (v.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen 

Part 2 

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