Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 2
[Editor's note: Some of the endnotes have been replaced with links.]
In Chapter 5, Brink and Harris discuss the politics of race. They lament about the failure of Negroes to register and vote (p. 78). This seems to be a perpetual problem with Blacks. When the complete lack of difference between the two major parties is considered, such apathy makes little difference. Like Whites, all that Blacks receive is an echo and not a choice. Just as the Republican Party now ignores the demands and desires of Whites in general and Southerners in particular, so does the Democratic Party takes the Negro for granted. Both work for the best interest of the ruling elite to the detriment of both Whites and Blacks.
Brink and Harris comment that at the time of their writing Negroes had probably received as little from the political system as any other group. If true, President Johnson would soon change that. With the civil rights law, fair housing law, and equal economic opportunity program, etc., Negroes have been showered with rights and privileges that no other group had ever enjoyed. With the war on poverty, hundreds of billions of dollars have been poured out to the Negro. Never before had a majority so willing sacrificed itself, its property, its heritage, its posterity, and its race for the benefit of a small minority. In the end Blacks won the civil rights war with the complete and unconditional surrender of Whites. (The small pockets of rebellious Whiles that remain amount to no more than the Indian wars of the late nineteenth century.) The biggest problem for the Negro now is maintaining his privileges as the hordes of Turanians explode; these Turanians cannot and will not be kowtowed as Whites were. Unfortunately for the Negro, his leaders refuse to acknowledge this problem. Contrariwise, they strive to make it worse by supporting the policy of unlimited non-White immigration.
Brink and Harris note that the electoral college system favors the Negro. About one-third of Blacks lived in seven pivotal industrial States that accounted for 80 percent of the electoral vote in 1960. (A significant change has occurred in the electoral vote since then. The importance of the Northern States has declined, and the importance of the Southern States has risen.) Carrying the Negro vote in these seven States significantly improves the chances of winning the presidency (pp. 80-81).
Brink and Harris lament the lack of participation by Blacks in the electoral process in the South (pp. 82-86). Negro participation did increase. As a result, more quislings, scalawags, and carpetbaggers were elected. A downfall of democracy is that as the privilege of voting expands among the non-net taxpayers, the quality of candidates and thus leaders and government declines.
Brink and Harris comment on the overwhelming support that Negroes give the Democratic Party. However, only a small majority regularly support the Democratic Party. They did not want the Democrats to take the Black vote for granted (pp. 86-88). The evangelical Christians fell into this trap with the Republican Party. Their leaders continuously endorsed the Republicans, and the Republicans began taking them for granted. Except the wars in the Middle East, the only thing that the Evangelicals have gotten from the Republicans has been rhetoric.
Brink and Harris point out the irony of Blacks supporting the Democratic Party. Up to that time, the Republicans had been more supportive of Blacks and their demands for civil rights than Democrats. Many leading Democrats were segregationists. However, many Blacks saw Democrats working to improve the economic standing of the masses while Republicans were concerned only with Big Business (pp. 88ff).
Brink and Harris comment on the skepticism that Blacks had about Lyndon Johnson as president because he was a Southerner (pp. 92-93). What most people failed to realize was that Johnson was a rascal, scoundrel, quisling, and scalawag of the highest order. He probably surprised most Negroes as he delivered nearly everything that they demanded. The welfare state, of which the Negro has been the principal victim, exploded under his leadership. Ironically most Negro leaders supported the welfare state although it made many Negroes wards of government and by that stripped them of their independence and effectively enslaved them to the government.
In Chapter 6, Brink and Harris discuss the role of the Negro church. They give a historical overview and discuss the present day (late 1950s and early 1960s).
Brink and Harris remark “that Negro society tends to be a matriarchal society. . . . The matriarchal character of Negro society is largely a product of broken homes” (p. 100). They note that in 1960 a third of Black women who had been married no longer lived with their husbands as compared with one-fifth of White women (p. 100).
According to Brink and Harris, the Negro Revolution is a holy war. The Negro is convinced “that his cause is just because it is just before God, and that he must ultimately win because that is God's word and will.” (p. 100). To arrive at such a conclusion requires a highly liberal explanation of the Bible while ignoring large parts of it. The God of the Bible is a God of segregation and not of integration. He does not forbid slavery, but the Bible does provide a code for the just treatment of slaves. Probably none of the characters in the Bible are Negroes. Nearly all are Aryans (Whites) with occasional mentioning of Melanochroi. Nevertheless, Whites have no justification in oppressing Blacks or any other race. God commanded the species (races) of humans to separate themselves from others. When they are separated, they cannot oppress one another.
Based on Brink and Harris’ observations, Negro churches were evolving into political organizations. Their ministers were moving away from preaching the Gospel to preaching civil rights, equal rights, Black Power, and the like. They were preaching the social gospel (pp. 103-104).
Brink and Harris give some background information on Martin Luther King and describe some of his activities and writings (pp. 104-106). However, they fail to mention his Communist connections and sympathies.
Several places in their book, Brink and Harris remark that because of segregation Blacks are poorly educated. Yet Black leaders, such as King, were highly educated. Segregation did not appear to hold them back educationally.
Brink and Harris state that a primary source of Kings financing is the collection plate of churches where he speaks (p. 105). If Negroes were as economically oppressed as Brink and Harris continuously iterate, where did they get all this money to finance an operation as expensive and elaborate as King’s? Moreover, why did not the IRS revoke the tax exemption status of these churches for promoting politics? Even today the IRS ignores Black churches that preach politics. Yet if a White church preaches against abortion, sodomy, interracial marriage (when was the last time a preacher condemned interracial marriages), and a host of other issues that have been politicize, it risks harassment by the IRS and possible revocation of its tax exemption status.
Brink and Harris present King and other civil rights leaders as promoters of nonviolence (pp. 105ff). When one undertakes an action that he expects will evoke a violent response, he is not acting nonviolently. King and other civil rights leaders were continuously undertaking actions that they expected and hoped would cause a violent response. (He who fires the first shot does not necessarily start the war; he who causes the first shot to be fired starts the war. Unfortunately, most people lose sight of this principle and place the blame on the responder.)
Brink and Harris note that most Black ministers believe that the Black church would be among the last institutions integrated and would survive the integration movement (pp. 109-110). If these ministers really believed what they preached, they would have led by example. They would have insisted that Black churches destroy themselves through integration. They would have implemented active integration plans to cause the integrated demise of their churches as soon as possible. What the Negro really wants is to be able to integrate White society and institutions at will. Whites are to have nothing that is beyond integration. Yet at the same time, the Negro wants to protect and preserve Black society and institutions from White integration. That is, Blacks should be able to segregate themselves; Whites should not.
In Chapter 7, Brink and Harris discuss the leadership of the civil rights movement and the Negro Revolution and the tactics used. However, they fail to identify the Communist leadership of the civil rights movement. Except Dubois, they do not identify any of the leaders as Communists. One Negro leader whom they mention who was Communist was Ralph Bunche. However, they do not identify him as a Communist. They do note that until 1960, most Black instigators in the South were Northern Negroes.
In Chapter 8, Brink and Harris discuss what Negroes think of Whites. Only the White man has prevented the Negro from achieving freedom, comforts, and pleasures (p.125). Everything is Whitey’s fault; nothing is Blacky’s fault.
Brink and Harris quote a Negro as saying that the reason that Whites want to keep the Negro down is to keep Negro men from marrying White women (p. 126). If Blacks did not want to marry Whites, why did they fight to repeal and overturn laws prohibiting interracial marriages? If interracial marriages were not an important objective, why did interracial marriages soar after the prohibition was removed? They could have gone along way to alleviate such fears by fighting to keep laws against interracial marriages in place and to enact them in States that did not have them. (Once interracial marriages became acceptable, all other illicit and unscriptural marriages became acceptable including homosexual marriages.)
The fear of interracial marriage was well-founded. In 1960 only 0.4 percent of White marriages were interracial of which 0.1 percent were with Blacks. By 2010 interracial White marriages had risen to 3.0 percent of which 1.1 percent were with Blacks. By 2010 14.0 percent of Black marriages were interracial; of these 11.8 percent were with Whites. If the current trend continues, the Negro will breed himself out of existence in a few generations. (The American Indian has already almost bred himself out of existence.) Integration is truly genocide.
One Negro said that Whites needed the Negro so that they could have someone to look down on (p. 126). People who need someone to look down on will find someone to look down on even if that someone is of the same race. (I had a Black secretary, different from the one mentioned above, who told me that light-skin Negroes look down on dark-skin Negroes. Looking down on people is not restricted to Whites.)
According to Brink and Harris, many Blacks were convinced that most Whites hated them (p. 127). At least in the South, most Whites did not hate Blacks.
Brink and Harris quote one Negro as saying, “Whites in the North like for Negroes to be independent, but those in the South like you dependent.” (p. 127). If true, the South won and the North lost. With the eruption of the welfare state, the Negro became more dependent than ever.
One astute Northern Negro observed, “The Southerner lets you know where you stand. The Northerner stabs you in the back.” (p. 128) Another Negro notes, “I think the white man in the North makes a better hypocrite” (p. 128). A wise Negro said, “Man is basically selfish and is not concerned about what type of break someone else is getting as long as it does not affect him. The average American is not overwhelmingly concerned about the Chinese boy who goes to bed hungry or the Indian child whose fingers are cut off to make him a more effective beggar” (p. 128).
About the baneful moderate White aiding Blacks, one Negro said, “Being a moderate is a nice way for a guy to hide” (p. 129). Another Negro said, “Moderate is just a fancy name for do nothing” (p. 129).
Brink and Harris note that the Catholic church and Jews have supported the civil rights movement (p. 133). That is not surprising. Both have little regard for the races that God created. Both lust for power. Turmoil often results in concentrating political power. Both intend to control this concentrated power.
In Chapter 9, Brink and Harris discuss what Whites think of Negroes. They conclude that Whites suffer from guilt about the way that they treat or do not treat the Negro (p. 138). This guilt has destroyed the country and is leading to the extinction of the White race. Brink and Harris selected several comments that Whites made about Blacks; many of the selected comments were highly derogatory — especially by today’s standards (pp. 139-141).
Many Whites believe that Negroes smell different (pp. 140-141). Brink and Harris give the impression that Whites and Blacks smell the same. Science shows that they differ in odor. Their odor glands secrete different compounds that attract different bacteria. (Turanians are generally odorless.)
Besides odor, Brink and Harris present several other White stereotypes about Negroes (pp. 140-141). Many of these so-called stereotypes are supported by statistics and observation. They included loose morals, living off handouts, less intelligence, and breeding crimes.
Stereotypes are not created out of the imagination. They develop from experience and observation. Many, but not all, members of the group generally fit the stereotype.
Brink and Harris show that most Whites in the South and nationwide believe that Negroes have the right to vote, unrestricted use of buses and trains, job opportunities, and decent housing. Although a majority nationwide favor the federal vote-enforcement law, the federal fair employment practice law, the Kennedy civil rights bill, and the public-accommodation bill, most Southerners opposed them (p. 142). If the Southern view had prevailed, both races and the country would have been better off. These laws lead to a more powerful, micromanaging federal government and the destruction of the Black man’s independence and thus his freedom.
Although a large majority of Whites nationwide supported Eisenhower’s invasion of Arkansas and Kennedy’s invasion of Mississippi, most Southerners opposed them (p. 143).
Brink and Harris quote a White man saying, “. . . one state can’t tell the other parts of the United States what to do” (p. 143). Apparently, this man had no qualms about other States telling the Southern States what to do. He just objected to the Southern States trying to resist the tyranny of the other States. What a hypocrite he is!
A majority of Whites thought “that the Negroes were pressing too hard, asking for too much.” (p. 145). Nevertheless, “Whites have remarkably clear understanding of Negro demands.” (p. 145).
Brink and Harris quote several responses to a question about how Whites thought it must feel to be discriminated against as a Negro. Those quoted express indignation and outrage (p. 147). Everyone, including Whites, is discriminated against nearly every day. Did these people express such indignation and outrage when they themselves were actually discriminated against? Does the federal government have to eliminate all forms of discrimination? The power-hungry micromangers would certainly like to try as that would give them absolute control over everyone and everything. What most people fail to realize is that every time that they make a choice they discriminate.
Brink and Harris note that Whites adamantly object to job quotas for Negroes and Negroes given job preference over Whites (p, 149). Whites lost this one as Blacks have received special privileges in the job market.
Brink and Harris remark that most Whites reject “the notion that the education of white children would suffer if both races go to school together” (p. 150). Were they wrong! Education for both races has been in decline ever since schools were fully integrated.
Brink and Harris quote a White woman who naively and ignorantly believes that children do not notice racial differences (p. 150). Contrariwise, children who are around other children of other races are aware of racial differences at a very young age. By the time that they are old enough to express the difference, they are aware of the differences.
In Chapter 10, Brink and Harris discuss breaking the vicious circle. In this chapter, they summarize what the Negro wants and the Negro’s opinion about various things. Basically, Blacks want the White man’s wealth. To get it, they need better jobs, which requires better education, which requires better housing (this was before busing children because of race became popular outside the South).
Brink and Harris write: “Negroes do not want to take these things [i.e., things that the Negro believes that the Whites have] away from whites or to destroy the white society that has them. On the contrary, Negroes ask only for the chance to earn the better life with dignity” (p. 157).
No matter what the Negroes claims to want, the primary object of the civil rights movement has been to destroy White society. With the war on poverty and the exploding welfare state that accompanied the civil rights movement, a great deal of wealth has been taken from Whites via taxation and inflation and transferred to Blacks. When Blacks became dependent on government, they lost all claims to “earning a better life with dignity.”
According to Brink and Harris, most Negroes want to work next to Whites in an integrated workforce (p. 157). Ironically, often when Blacks are in charge, the workforce becomes predominantly Black with a few token Whites, who are needed to do most of the hard work.
Brink and Harris state that Blacks believe that their children will do better in school if they sit next to Whites (p. 158). Effectively, they are admitting that they are too inferior to learn without the presence of Whites. Somehow they can capture intelligence from adjacent Whites. The response is that when Blacks seat in a classroom without Whites, Blacks feel inferior (p. 158). Why did not Whites feel inferior when they sat in a classroom without Blacks? Such a claim degrades Blacks. Apparently, Blacks have a low opinion of their children and their ability to learn.
Brink and Harris quote a Negro man saying, “Negro’s don’t want favoritism, they just want justice” (p. 162). In the end they got favoritism.
Brink and Harris show that integration per se was not the primary objective of most Negroes. They want Whites to treat them better. They want equal rights (pp. 162-164).
Regardless of White “prejudice” and “bigotry” toward Blacks at the time that Brink and Harris wrote this book, today Black prejudices and bigotry toward Whites far exceeds that of Whites toward Blacks.
Blacks have achieved their primary objective as stated in Brink and Harris’ book. They won the job battle as the job market has been skewed in their favor via discrimination against Whites. (This leads to the question: Did he get the job because of his ability or because of his race?) They won the education battle by destroying White education and getting education lowered to the level of Blacks. They won the housing battle. They can buy houses in White neighborhoods. Yet they get to maintain their own Black neighborhoods. Only self-hating Whites have any desire to live in Black neighborhoods (and Blacks prefer not having those debased people around). Instead of making Blacks more like Whites, integration has made Whites more like Blacks.
Blacks won the civil rights war and gained full integration. However, they failed to gain their freedom and independence. They are much more enslaved now than then.
The Communist led civil rights movement has achieved many of the ruling elites’ goals. It has greatly expanded the power of the federal government and made people more dependent on government. Thus, it has led to the enslavement of all races. More important, it is destroying America and the White race — the primary objectives of the ruling elite.
Endnote1. Thomas Allen, “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation” (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 2015). Thomas Allen, “Is Integration a Moral Law?” (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 2015). Thomas Allen, Integration Is Genocide (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 1997).
2. Allen, “The Bible, Segregation and Miscegenation.”
3. Allen, Integration Is Genocide.
4. Thomas Allen, Species of Men: A Polygenetic Hypothesis (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 1999), p.27. John R. Baker, Race (New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 170-177. Carlton S. Coon, Racial Adaptation (Chicago, Illinois: Nelson-Hall, 1982), pp. 108-109.
5. For example, see Tracy Abel “The Wages of Idealism” in Face to Face with Race, ed. Jared Taylor (Oakton, Virginia: New Century Foundation, 2014), pp. 3-21.
Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
More articles on social issues.