Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 1
Thomas Allen
[Editor's note: Some of the endnotes have been replaced with links.]
The following is an analysis of The Negro Revolution in America by William Brink and Louis Harris (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1964). Much of this book is based on surveys. Their words and my paraphrases or summaries of their words, I have italicized. My commentary is in roman letters. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses
As one would expect from the subject matter of this book, it is anti-White and especially anti-Southerner. Like nearly all pro-Black-civil-rights writers, the authors express a great deal of bigotry and prejudice toward Southerners.
Chapter 1 discusses the Black race awakening — what the Negro wants. Brink and Harris claim that Blacks “wanted nothing less than full equality” (p. 20). Before 1980 not only had Blacks become the White man’s equal, they had become his superior. Blacks can segregate themselves from Whites, but Whites cannot segregate themselves from Blacks. Blacks can have Black beauty pageants, Black caucuses, Black scholarships, etc. Whites cannot. Blacks are allowed to have Black-only clubs at public universities, but Whites are not allowed to have White-only clubs.
Blacks can discriminate against Whites, but Whites cannot discriminate against Blacks. Whites feel compelled to declare that they have Black friends. Blacks feel no obligation to claim White friends. To the contrary, many feel compelled to deny that they have White friends. The country now has Jim Crow in reverse, but only worse.
Brink and Harris contend that the writers of the U.S. Constitution intended for it to apply to Blacks (p. 20). They did not. The Constitution is clear about whom it is written. The Preamble reads “. . . . secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution. . . .” Thus, the writers of the Constitution, who were all White, intended it for their posterity, who would be White. The illegally adopted Fourteenth Amendment was and is used to give Blacks certain rights and privileges. (This Amendment also stripped most Southern leaders of their political rights and privilege of holding public office.)
Brink and Harris quote a White man saying, “They only expect the same rights that we have. They only want the same chances we have for a better life” (p. 21). (One wonders how many Blacks lived in this man’s town, Vestal, New York — probably less than 1 percent.) Brink and Harris quote a Black dentist as saying, “I’d like to see the Negro change from a second-class citizen to a first class-citizen” (p. 21). Eventually Blacks not only achieved equal rights, but they achieved special rights. Not only did they cease being second-class citizens, doting Whites elevated the Negro to a deity, at least in the abstract. (Yankees are notorious for placing the abstract above the concrete.) At the same time, these Whites reduced far too many Blacks to wards of government via welfare programs. By trading the old plantation master for the new government master, Blacks have really come a long way. At least under the old plantation master, they had the pride and dignity of working for their keep. (They consumed about 90 percent of their production.) Under their new government masters, they have been degraded to little more than breeding and offering jobs for their caretakers. Under the old plantation system, Blacks worked to support Whites. Under the new welfare system, Whites work to support Blacks. Can a person really be a first-class citizen while he is on the public dole?
Brink and Harris remark that the Negro’s struggle for equal rights had been essentially nonviolent (p. 23). That depends on one’s definition of “nonviolent.” Is violating the property of others nonviolent? Is threatening violence nonviolent? Is deliberately creating a situation that will evoke a violent response nonviolent? They wrote in 1963. The great waves of violence would come with the race riots of the mid-1960s and later. The more Whites surrendered to Blacks, the more violent Blacks became. Why should not they? The more Whites surrendered, the less respect Blacks had for Whites.
Brink and Harris note that the crime rate for Negroes is too high (p. 25). Civil rights and equality have not reduced the Negro crime rate. If anything, the crime rate of Blacks is even worse today than then.
Brink and Harris also note the high rate of illegitimate births among Negroes (p. 25). Not only has the civil rights movement raised the illegitimacy of Negroes from 20 percent in 1960 to 72 percent by 2013, but it has also raised the illegitimacy rate of Whites from 2 percent in 1960 to 29 percent by 2013.
“Negroes (and white sociologists) point out, of course, that these things are produced by the vicious circle that has ruled their lives if they were not downtrodden they would not resort to crime; if their family structure had not been undermined as far back as slavery they would have more stable marital relations; if they had better job opportunities they would not need relief. But the further point that the Negroes make is that they will never be able to improve all of these conditions unless they are granted equal rights now” (p. 25). The Negro won the civil rights war. Hundreds of billions of dollars have been spent on the war on poverty and to enhance Negro health and education. Negroes have been preferentially treated in the job market; they are hired and promoted over better-qualified Whites. Yet none of this has made any difference. They have received what Whitney Young of the National Urban League argued for: a better-than-an-even break, a massive domestic Marshall Plan, and special and preferential treatment. To the extent that all these programs have affected Black crime and illegitimacy, they have raised them. At least Negroes can still blame it on something that none have ever experienced: slavery.
Brink and Harris quote Martin Luther King’s “I Got a Dream” speech where he talks about judging people by their character and not the color of their skin (pp. 26-27). Contrary to his speech, the legislation and policies that King and other civil rights leaders pushed judged people by the color of their skin and not by their character. The civil rights act, fair housing act, the equal employment opportunity program, and other similar laws and programs were biased in favor of Blacks and discriminated against Whites. They stripped Whites of rights and privileges while granting Blacks special rights and privileges.
Chapter 2 begins with Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma and an overview of Negro slavery and the Negro in America up to 1960.
Myrdal was a Swede and a Marxist economist and sociologist who despised the U.S. Constitution as it was a White man’s document. When ordering the integration of public schools, the U.S. Supreme Court relied on Myrdal’s work instead of the U.S. Constitution. In effect, it declared his work the supreme law of the land.
Brink and Harris note that the first load of Negroes brought to Virginia in 1619 were “promptly sold into slavery” (p. 29). This is not true. As Francis Springer shows in War for What?, these Blacks became indentured servants like many Europeans who came to America to pay for their passage. They were treated the same as European indentured servants. When they had worked their time to pay for their passage and initial upkeep, they were set free. A Negro brought slavery to Virginia when he refused to let his Black indentured servant go free. He got the court to rule in his favor to bind the Black indentured servant to him for lifetime servitude.[1]
Brink and Harris imply that Whites threw Blacks out of White churches (p. 33). This may be true of some Northern churches. In the South, most Negroes voluntarily left White churches. They wanted their own churches so that they could be independent of Whites. They realized that they could never be free and independent of White rule and oversight if they remained under White rule and oversight. Such independence and freedom require separation instead of integration. Most Black civil rights leaders either forgot or ignored this truism.
Brink and Harris comment on DuBois and the founding of the NAACP (p. 35). They failed to mention that DuBois was the only Black involved in the founding of the NAACP. Nevertheless, they did note that he later left the NAACP and joined the Communist Party (p. 35). Although they identified the other founders as liberals, they failed to identify them as what they really were: radicals, socialists, and Communists. They do name some of the White founders: John Dewey (who destroyed education in the United States with his progressive education — Whites must be brought down to the Negro’s intellectual level), Jane Addams (who advocated diluting the electorate by forever expanding the privilege of voting and by that diluting the power of the electorate and making it irrelevant), and Lincoln Steffens (who was a journalist and a supporter of the Soviet Union) (p. 35).
Brink and Harris comment on the great Negro migration from the South to urban areas in the North (p. 38). Much of the Northern support for the civil rights act and related laws resulted from the desire to keep the Negro in his place, i.e., in the South.
Brink and Harris discuss the rise of black power and the rights and privileges that Blacks need to have to trump the rights and privileges of Whites (pp. 40-41). Under the Communist-led civil rights movement and the integrationist regime, just about every gain that the Negro has made has been at the expense of Whites. Most of what the Negro has received has been given to him by Whites, most of whom have Marxist leanings and all of whom are statist. For the most part, the Negro has not earned what he has received. The whole objective of the civil rights movement has been to increase the power of the federal government, that is, to increase the power of the ruling elite (globalists, one-worlders, heads of major foundations, international financiers, chief executives of multinational corporations, Zionist leaders, leaders of the occult, and other elitists) and to destroy America and the White race.
Brink and Harris discuss the school integration issue and the slowness of integration (pp. 30-41). School integration ultimately rests on the theory that Negroes are so stupid and intellectually inferior that they are incapable of learning unless they are sitting next to an intellectually superior White student. Somehow Blacks will absorb the superior intellectual genes of Whites by sitting next to them in the classroom. Also, proponents of school integration declare that Blacks are too stupid and incompetent to teach Black students unless White students are in the classroom to provide intelligence genes.
Brink and Harris write, “The proliferation of Negro leadership organizations points up a significant fact of the Negro’s revolution, that it has lacked any clear-cut, centralized direction.” (p. 43). That is not exactly true. Behind the prominent civil rights organizations has been the Communist Party. Its control of the civil rights organizations and the civil rights movement has been mostly through fronts and sympathizers and fellow travelers instead of card-caring Communists although they have been heavily involved. Communists have controlled and guided King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and King’s front, the Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Likewise, Communists and Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers were heavily involved in the NAACP and Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).
At least Brink and Harris comment on some of the victims of the “nonviolent” civil rights movement (pp. 43-47). However, like true integrationists, they blame the violence on Whites. All these violent outbursts and those that followed led cowardly Whites to surrender unconditionally to Black demands. Unfortunately, for Blacks in America, the unconditional surrender was not only to them. It was also to non-Whites across the globe. This surrender has led to massive immigration of non-Whites, primarily Turanians (mostly East Asians and Latinos). To the Negro’s detriment, these Turanians hate Blacks more than the integrationist’s stereotypical Southerner ever did (few Southerners ever really hated Blacks; more Northerners hated Blacks than did Southerners). Moreover, these Turanians do not suffer White guilt and will never be made to feel guilty about their treatment (mistreatment) of Blacks. Once they reach critical mass, probably in less than 20 years, the Negro will look on the days of segregation and Jim Crow as a time of freedom, respect, and opportunity. The Turanians will suppress them to the lowest rung of society — perhaps even lower than they enjoyed under slavery.
In Chapter 3, Brink and Harris discuss what it is like to be a Negro. Brink and Harris state, “Negroes believe whites don’t understand them, don’t understand what it is like to be discriminated against and segregated” (p. 48.). Southerners do have some idea of what it is like to be discriminated against. They have been discriminated against and belittled since 1865. Except Indians, they are the only group that the U.S. Constitution specifically denied the privilege of holding public office. (At least the Indians did not have to pay taxes.) Today, the Southerner is one of the few ethics that can be disparaged with impunity. Movie makers seem obliged to belittle and ridicule him as he is seldom presented positively. Like Whites in the North and West, he is also discriminated against in favor of non-Whites.
Moreover, if a Southerner wants to know what it is like to be a second-class citizen, all he has to do is to read a pro-integration book written in the 1950s or 1960s: They all treat Southerners as second-class citizens and often worse.
(I have had Blacks discriminate against me. Once, when my office took our secretaries to lunch to celebrate secretary’s day, I had a Black secretary. While returning to the office, my secretary and I stopped at an ice cream shop for ice cream. A Black woman was behind the counter. She gave my secretary two heaping scoops of ice cream and me, two puny scoops. Such discrimination did not humiliate me, make me feel like a second-class citizen, or drive me to protest.
My wife experienced discrimination in the army. When a Black woman was placed in charge of a work detail, she gave the White women laborious and dirty jobs. She gave the Black woman easy jobs and minimal tasks — they mostly lofted.)
Much of the poverty suffered by Negroes come from the radical Republicans’ (most radical Republicans were abolitionists) policies and programs to destroy the South during the War and Reconstruction. (Perhaps Southerners need civil rights for Southerners to preserve what remains of their culture, heritage, ethnicity, race, etc.) A major motivation behind the civil rights movement is to bring down the South and Southerners. It has been primarily a war against the South, although it quickly spread to Northern urban areas.
How and why segregation made the Negro a second-class citizen and how and why integration ends this status is not fully explained. Regarding the Negro, Roy Innis did not see integration as elevating the Negro. He states, “Under segregation, black people live together but their institutions are controlled by whites. Under integration, black people are dispersed and the institutions, goods, and services are still controlled by whites. In effect, the two are the same. But under separatism, black people will control their own turf.”[2]
Brink and Harris comment that Negroes believe that Whites consider Negroes worthless (p. 49). If true, the Negro is not going to overcome this problem by forced association. Force association creates resentment. More often than not, it reinforces the stereotype. The more a person associates with a group, the more likely he will find examples fitting the stereotype. Moreover, respect has to be earned; it cannot be forced or given. Until the Negro stands on his own in spite of real or perceived discrimination without any governmental aid, he cannot really be respected by himself or others. Innis seems to have realized this when he argued for separation. With separation and without any aid from Whitey, the Negro can prove that he can stand on his own and deserves the respect that he believes that he is entitled.
Brink and Harris claim that Blacks in the military were degraded during World War II because far too many were relegated to engineering (road construction) and transportation (driving trucks and guarding airports) instead of being mortar meat in front-line combat units. Many Whites on the front line probably would have gladly traded places with these Blacks if given a choice.
Judging by what Brink and Harris write in Chapter 3, the Negro’s self-esteem depends almost entirely on what Whites think of him and how they treat him. At least the Negro’s problem with self-esteem has been overcome. Blacks now have much more self-esteem than Whites, many of who loath and hate themselves.
Brink and Harris claim that part of the cause of the Negro’s problem is that nearly half the Black married women worked while less than a third of White married women worked in 1960 (p. 51). The civil rights movement and accompanying programs have made this problem worse. More married women have been forced into the workforce to support the civil-rights welfare state. Also, most Black fathers have been driven from the home so that the government can support their children. Many of these absent fathers end up being supported in the prison system. Thus, has the civil rights movement advanced the Black race.
A typical excuse recorded by Brink and Harris for Blacks dropping out of high school is that “they feel they don’t have a chance, so why struggle? I got honors in high school, but I can’t get a decent job.” (p. 57). If Southerners had held this attitude after the devastation of the War and Reconstruction, the South today would be little more than a third-world country. Although Southerners took nearly a century to rebuild the South, they did so. If the South were an independent country, it would be one of the top-tier countries in the world. It rebuilt itself in spite of Yankee discrimination. It made its greatest strides during Yankee neglect. No Marshal Plan was available to rebuild the South. The Negro needs to look to himself and not to others.
A major complaint of Blacks during the era of Brink and Harris’ writing was the poor education received by Blacks (pp. 56-58). The civil rights-integrationist movement has solved this problem by reducing the quality of public education for everyone. Now Blacks, White, and all others are poorly educated (but well indoctrinated). Most consider the generation of the founding fathers as the greatest generation ever produced in this country. Yet not one of them had a public education. Perhaps we should follow their example for education.
In Chapter 4, Brink and Harris describe the weapons of the Negro Revolution. These weapons include riots, demonstration marches, picketing stores, boycotts, sit-ins, etc. They discuss the effects that the Freedom Rides and other demonstrations had on Negroes (pp. 66ff). Like most integrationists, Brink and Harris blame all the violence on Whites instead of the Black agitators seeking a violent reaction (p. 64). (One wonders how many federal agents and operatives had been implanted in White resistant groups to urge Whites to do what the integrationist provocateurs wanted: to react violently.)
Brink and Harris describe Whites attacking Black Freedom Riders in Montgomery in 1961. They discuss CORE, which had organized the Freedom Riders (pp. 63-66). James Farmer was the national director of CORE then. A basic tactic was that Farmer and CORE threatened to bring violence to a community unless the community surrendered unconditionally to the demands of King and SCLC. (SNCC was also used to threaten violence unless the community surrendered unconditionally to King.)
Like most integrationists, Brink and Harris declare the Negro demonstration to be nonviolent on the part of the Negro (pp.65-66). Whenever people deliberately undertake an action that they know will provoke a violent response, they are not completely innocent of the resulting violence.
According to Brink and Harris, the Freedom Riders were trained to love those who attacked them (p. 65). If these Freedom Riders really loved their White attackers, they would have never knowingly created a situation to provoke Whites into attacking them.
Brink and Harris remark that the civil rights movement taught Blacks that “going to jail is no longer shameful blot on their record; it has become a badge of honor” (p. 68). Perhaps this in part explains why so many Black men end up in prison. Going to prison is a badge of honor — a hangover from the glory days of the civil rights movement.
Brink and Harris comment on Rosa Park being arrested for refusing to give up her bus seat to a White and the boycott that followed. They state that she was a seamstress (p. 70). However, they fail to mention that she was a Communist agent who had been trying to create an incident.
In a sense, this boycott was a failure. It did not end the law that segregated seating on buses in Montgomery. White men on the U.S. Supreme Court ended it (p. 70).
Brink and Harris do admit that the Negro is ready to use weapons to get what he wants (p. 71) — so much for nonviolence. As the years that followed show, the Negro was much more militant than Brink and Harris were ready to admit.
Brink and Harris note that some Negroes felt “that the potential for violence lies chiefly in the South and will not be much of a factor in the North” (pp. 71-72). Were these Negroes wrong! The worst race riots inflicted on the country were outside the South. Most of these riots resulted in destructing Black neighborhoods and Black businesses — so much on teaching Whitey a lesson. Nevertheless, White taxpayers ended up paying for the reconstruction.
Brink and Harris quote several Northern Negroes saying how much Southerners hated Blacks and wanted to kill Blacks. Some of those interviewed expressed hatred of Whites and Southerners in particular (p. 72). An irony of the civil rights movement is that race relations have generally been better in the South than in the North and West. That must be a great surprise to anti-Southerners.
Endnote
1. Francis W. Springer, War for What? (Nashville, Tennessee: Bill Coats Ltd., 1990), pp. 8-9.2. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, III (1972), p. 462.
Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
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