Review of The Deep South Says “Never” -- Part 1

Review of The Deep South Says “Never”

-- Part 1

Thomas Allen

    This article is a review of The Deep South Says “Never” by John Barlow Martin (New York: Ballantine Books, 1957). My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    Martin favors desegregation but is more sympathetic toward the segregationists than are most integrationists. Most of his book is a discussion of the struggle to desegregate schools in the South, especially the Deep South between 1954 and 1957. Most of his discussion is presented through the eyes of the Citizens Councils and its supporters and opponents. The Citizens’ Councils fought to keep schools segregated.
    In Chapter 1, Martin discusses the origins and expansion of the Citizens’ Councils. These Councils were formed to support the status quo of segregation and to oppose the Communist organized and led desegregation-integration movement. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.) [Desegregation, which implies choice, is a euphemism for integration, which is force.]
    Robert Paterson was a founding member of and driving force behind the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 1-3). He declared:

We just felt like integration would utterly destroy everything that we valued. We don’t consider ourselves hate-mongers and racists and bigots. . . .  We were faced with integration in a town where there are twenty-one hundred Negro students and seven hundred white. We didn’t feel the Supreme Court had the right to come into the state and forcibly cause the schools which were supported by the taxpayers of Mississippi to be integrated and therefore destroyed (p. 3).

[His prophecy proved to be much more accurate than the proponents of desegregation (v. “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics,” “A Review of the Negro Revolution in America,” and “Review of Segregation and Desegregation” all by Thomas Allen). School integration did lead to the destruction of what most Southerners valued. Integration led to flooding the country with non-White immigrants and aliens, both legal and illegal. Whites will soon be a minority in their own country. It led to the war on poverty, the war on drugs, the war on terrorism, among other wars, and the civil rights movement. These lead to the welfare-warfare state and the police state where the movements and communications of every inhabitant are tracked. Integration has led to the Supreme Court, President, and Congress making the Constitution irrelevant.]
    [However, Martin was a poor prophet.] He writes, “Today [1957] it seems unlikely that desegregation will be accomplished in the Deep South in the foreseeable future” (p. 4). [He does not define “foreseeable future.” If he meant a decade, he was wrong. Within 10 years of his writing not only did school integration rule the South, but so did the integration of just about everything else. With the exception of small, scattered, irrelevant pockets of resistance, the South had surrendered unconditionally to the Communist-led civil rights movement. With the fall of Lester Maddox in 1964 nearly all resistance ceased. Even Maddox had  mostly surrendered by the time he became governor in 1967.]
    Martin shows that the civil rights movement trumped the Constitution: “And in West Virginia when mothers picketed a desegregated school a judge said if they didn’t stop: “I’ll fill the jail until their feet are sticking out of the windows” (p. 5). [This example shows the utter contempt that this judge has for the First Amendment. In matters of race, most federal judges have the same attitude toward Whites.]
    Martin notes that most schools in the Border States desegregated in 1955 and 1956 without court orders and without incident (p. 5). [Later, the courts would order many of these school districts to integrate because not enough Blacks chose to attend White schools and almost no Whites chose to attend Black schools.]
    He also notes that many of the Black pupils in White schools sat in segregated classrooms (p. 5). [Courts would soon intervene and order classrooms to be integrated.]
    Martin remarks that although schools in Northern cities were desegregated de jure, they were segregated de facto (p. 6). [In most areas in the North, school districts were drawn along neighborhood lines. As Blacks and Whites lived in different neighborhoods, they attended neighborhood schools, which were segregated. Courts ended this practice by ordering forced busing. As a result, protests by Whites in the North were often as violent, if not more so, than what had occurred earlier in the South.]
    As Martin points out, many Southerners saw the Supreme Court’s decision to desegregate schools as destroying the Southern way of life. It went far beyond schools and entered every aspect of life. Martin gives this description:

To Southerners the Court’s decision seemed to do far more than break down segregation in the schools; it rent the seamless garment of apartness. Apartness of the races is a black and white thread woven into the fabric of Southern life — its social, political, sexual, cultural, economic life. Apartness is like a vine which, rooted in slavery, never uprooted but merely twisted by the Civil War, flourished and by now entangles everyone and everything in a suffocating net from which no one, white or black, knows how to extricate himself. Its manifestations have an infinite richness and complexity (p. 7).

    He adds that in the South Blacks and Whites segregate mostly because of custom. Very few laws prescribed segregation (p. 7).
    Martin describes some of the actions taken by some Southern States in response to the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision. They included denying funds to desegregated schools, tuition grants to children to attend private schools, and empowering school boards to assign Blacks and Whites to different schools but not based on race. The South sought to fight the Supreme Court through lawful resistance (pp. 7-8). [Such an attempt was doomed to fail. Long ago the States, in disregard of the Constitution, had acceded to the Supreme Court the ultimate authority to decide what was lawful. Only the most naive would expect the Supreme Court to decide against itself. This resistance only delayed the inevitable.]
    Martin describes the Citizens’ Councils as follows:

From the outset, the Citizens’ Council movement forswore violence. It proposed to prevent desegregation by legal means. It sought the leadership in every town of only the most respected citizens. It avoided entanglement with former Klan leaders. It eschewed secrecy; its meetings were held in downtown public buildings and were open to the public (though policy was likely to be made at smaller private meetings in the leaders’ homes). Thus the Councils sought to enlist the support of professional men, clergymen, politicians, business leaders and the middle class (pp. 13-14).

[In short, Citizens’ Councils were not nefarious. They sought to counterbalance organizations like the NAACP to protect the White man’s interest — something most Whites have no desire to do today.]
    Martin discusses the spread of the Councils and some of the key members and their thoughts. He gives a synopsis of Judge Brady’s Black Monday, which reflects the thoughts and positions of the Councils (pp. 16ff). Judge Brady identifies the amalgamation of the races as the ultimate goal of desegregation. Brady declares, “The Negro proposes to breed up his inferior intellect and whiten his skin and ‘blow out the light’ in the white man’s brain and muddy his skin” (p. 19). [Marriage statistics support Brady’s claim of Blacks lusting to interbreed with Whites. Interracial White marriages increased by 1518 percent between 1960 and 2010 while interracial Black marriages increased by 1353 percent during that time. In 2010, 3 percent of White marriages were interracial compared with 0.14 percent in 1960. In 2010 14 percent of Black marriages were interracial compared with 1.65 percent in 1960. (V. “Interracial Marriages” by Thomas Allen.)] Martin continues his discussion of Black Monday by giving some of Brady’s solutions (p. 20). These solutions included:

    1.    creating a state to which all American Negroes could be shipped [American Negroes should be given an independent country so that they can be free of the White man’s rule and to thwart the White man’s self-destruction.];
    2.    adopting constitutional amendments to strengthen states’ rights [This is one of his best recommendations.];
    3.    electing Supreme Court justices and the attorney general by popular vote;
    4.    establishing qualifications for Supreme Court justices;
    5.    abolishing public schools if all else fails and refunding taxes to White parents to finance private education while letting Blacks educate themselves [Public education ought to be abolished in any event. The primary purpose of public schooling is to indoctrinate children to become obedient servants of the ruling elite. Why should anyone be forced to have his children, or anyone else’s children, taught doctrines and dogmas with which he disagrees?];
    6.    employing economic boycotts by Whites ceasing hiring Blacks and shipping the resulting destitute Blacks to the North [If all Blacks in the South were shipped to the North and put in the neighborhoods of the ruling elite, the Supreme Court would quickly rule that not only is school segregation required by the Constitution, but geographical segregation is also required.].

    Martin continues describing the growth and objectives of the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 21ff). He quotes from a leaflet titled The Citizens’ Council by Patterson. In it Patterson writes:

Maybe your community has had no racial problems! This may be true; however, you may not have a fire, yet you maintain a fire department. You can depend on one thing: The NAACP, aided by alien influences, bloc-vote-seeking politicians and left-wing do-gooders, will see that you have a problem in the near future. The Citizens’ Council is the South's answer to the mongrelizers. We will not be integrated (p. 22)!

[Patterson was both right and wrong. He was wrong in that the mongrelizers did force the South to integrate. He was right about the NAACP and its allies bringing the integration-Negro-“civil rights” problem to the North. Within a decade Blacks were rioting, looting, and burning throughout the North and in the West.]
    Moreover, “Patterson wrote: ‘If we are bigoted, prejudiced, un-American, etc., so were George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln and our other illustrious forebears who believed in segregation’” (p. 22). [Because Washington and Jefferson were segregationists and, worse, slave owners, Blacks and self-hating Whites are trying to eradicate their names from the country. Buildings and streets named after them, and other segregationists and slave owners, are being renamed. Soon the name of a state and the capital of the country may be changed because they are named after the slave-owning Washington.]
    In his leaflet, Patterson writes, “If we submit to this unconstitutional, judge-made integration law, the malignant powers of atheism, communism and mongrelization will surely follow . . .” (p. 22). [Again, Patterson proves to be a much greater prophet than the integrationists. The United States have been de-Christianized. The ten planks of the Communist Manifesto have been mostly implemented. Mongrelization is accelerating.]
    Patterson stated that if Southerners stood united against the integrationists they could defeat them. [Southerners did not stand. Too many followed the quisling and scalawag political, business, academic, and religious leaders who betrayed the South and the White race to the Communist-led civil rights movement. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen.)] To this unconditional surrender and integration-is-inevitable-and-we-can-do-nothing-about-it attitude, Patterson retorted:

Our Southland by every material line of reasoning should already be a land of mulattoes. Eighty years ago our unconquerable ancestors were beaten, in poverty and degradation, unable to vote and under the heel of Negro occupation troops. . . . Are we less than they? We are the same blood; white blood that was kept pure for you for 6,000 years by white men (p. 24).

[A major handicap that Whites face is that they are unable to unite like Blacks. Blacks are effective at uniting and acting en masse with voting, boycotts, etc. Whites seem completely unable to unite even save their race or country from mongrelization. The White ruling elite, who place the acquisition of wealth and power and service to Lucifer above all else, manipulate Blacks to act en masse to advance the causes of the ruling elite while they keep Whites divided. Thus, they are destroying the White race so that they can bring down America, Western Civilization, and Christianity.]
    Besides the Citizens’ Councils, Martin identifies several other pro-Southern organizations: the American States’ Rights Association, the National Association for the Advancement of White People, the National Association for the Preservation of the White Race, the Southerners, the Heritage Crusade, and the Southern Gentlemen (p. 26).
    Martin describes some of the tactics used by the Citizens’ Councils to forestall integration. Exposure was chief among them. Another was economic boycotts (pp 28ff). [Blacks would later use economic boycotts much more effectively than Whites ever did in the South.]
    [Just as President Obama’s rhetoric increase gun sales,] so did the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision increased the membership of the Ku Klux Khan (p. 32).
    Martin identifies some criticism levied against the Citizens’ Councils. They included displacing the lawful authority of the courts, silencing their critics in churches, denying credit to their opponents, using economic boycotts, and driving people who disagreed with them out of the State (p. 32). [When Black organizations use the same or similar tactics to advance their cause, which are often nefarious, they are heralded as heroes overcoming oppression. When Southerners used them to overcome the oppression of a despotic, tyrannical government, they were condemned.]
    Martin presents Governor Folsom of Alabama as a scalawag. [Most likely, he does so unintentionally.] Folsom sided with the despotic, tyrannical U.S. government in its war against the South and against the Whites of Alabama. He sided with the NAACP and against the Citizens’ Councils (pp. 37-38). [Martin does not state that Folsom acted so bluntly or overtly.  Nevertheless, this is the essence of what Folsom did. Perhaps Folsom’s appeasing action was behind the Communists and the NAACP and other Black organizations choosing Montgomery for their bus boycott (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen). Moreover, they could foment riots by enticing the police to batter protesting Blacks to gain sympathy and support — especially from reconstructionist Yankees who wanted to destroy the South and rebuild it in their own image (v.  “The First Reconstruction” and “The Second Reconstruction” by Thomas Allen). They got the riots.]
    Martin discusses the incident of a federal court ordering the University of Alabama to admit Autherine Lucy, a Negro, and how it greatly increased the membership of the Citizens’ Council (pp. 38-39).
    In Chapter 2, Martin discusses the poor Black farming communities of Clarendon County, South Carolina. He contrasts these Negro communities with the small town of Summerton, which is inhabited mostly by Whites. However, Negroes also live in this town where they own and operate their business (pp. 43-45). Then he discusses the involvement of Negroes of this county in a lawsuit that lead to the Supreme Court’s desegregation decisions of 1954 and 1955 (v. next paragraph) and some of the court’s proceedings and its decision. Next, he describes Clarendon County, life there, and the schools. The three Black schools are newer than the one White school (pp. 52-62). Finally, he discusses the reaction to the Supreme Court’s decision, which was to resist it. He also describes the response of Blacks and their attempt to overcome the economic boycott. The desegregation decision greatly strained race relations (pp. 61-77).
    This lawsuit was combined with several other similar lawsuits and brought before the Supreme Court. Thurgood Marshall of the NAACP represented the Negro plaintiffs (p. 48). [However, Martin fails to mention Marshall’s Communist leanings and his hatred of Whites (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” by Thomas Allen).] Martin notes that in parts of the South, the desegregation decision would force many White children to attend Black schools (p. 50). [This situation contrasts sharply with the common perception and propaganda of the integrationists of that time that only a few Blacks would attend White schools. Integrationists seldom mentioned Whites being forced to attend Black schools. To his credit, Martin is one of the few who does.]
    Martin quotes federal Judge John Parker as saying:

Whatever may have been the views of this court as to the law when the case was originally before us, it is our duty now to accept the law as declared by the Supreme Court. Having said this, it is important that we point out exactly what the Supreme Court has decided and what it has not decided in this case. It has not decided that the federal courts are to take over or regulate the public schools of the states. It has not decided that the states must mix persons of different races in the schools or must require them to attend schools or must deprive them of the right of choosing the schools they attend. What it has decided, and all that it has decided, is that a state may not deny any person on account of race the right to attend any school that it maintains. The Constitution, in other words, does not require integration. It does not forbid such segregation as occurs as the result of voluntary action. It merely forbids the use of governmental power to enforce segregation (pp. 53-54).

[One wonders what kind of drug this judge was on when he made this absurd statement. The Supreme Court would make clear within a few years that Parker was wrong. Federal courts would soon “take over and regulate” public schools, even to the point of levying local taxes and appropriating local funds. Moreover, federal courts would soon decree “that the states must mix persons of different races in the schools.” The Constitution does not require integration, but federal courts certainly did. By 1865 the Constitution had ceased being the law of the land. Edicts, whims, of the U.S. government, primarily through the Supreme Court, had become the supreme law of the land. When parents did not voluntarily choose to integrate in sufficient numbers to satisfy some federal judge, the judge with the backing of the Supreme Court forced integration. To the surprise of and against the wishes of many Northerners, federal courts even forced the integration of Northern schools. At least some poetic justice came out of the integration movement. Most Northerners were only too happy to impose integration in the South. However, when the monster that they had fed and encouraged turned to devour them, they strongly objected.]
    Martin notes that most Blacks in Clarendon County earned their living in agriculture, mostly working in cotton fields. However, mechanization eliminated many of these jobs. Moreover, the federal farm program that drastically reduced the acreage used for growing cotton cost many Blacks their jobs — probably more than mechanization (pp. 58-59).
    In a small gathering of Whites and Blacks, Reverend Henry Rankin said, “. . . about the fallacy of trying to get your rights by going to court. That’s not the way to get your social rights. It always leaves a bad taste in the mouth, no matter who wins” (p. 65). [Unfortunately, too few Negroes heeded his wise words.]
    Martin reveals the naiveness of far too many Southerners during this era (p. 72) [a naiveness that unfortunately still exists]. [They actually thought that federal judges would listen to reason and not impose integration. They failed to realize that the ruling elite wanted integration. Whites were going to integrate regardless. If Whites did not voluntarily integrate, the courts would force them to integrate, and the courts did. Whatever Whites or even Blacks thought about this matter was irrelevant.]
    Martin quotes Reverend Richburg, a Black minister. Richburg believed that White opposition to integration based on mongrelization was just an excuse. He said, “They pretend we’re just like a lion, going to jump on a white girl and rape her. Or going to marry her. It wouldn’t happen” (p. 77). [Unfortunately for Richburg, crime statistics (v. “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen) and marriage statistics (v. “Interracial Marriages” by Thomas Allen) prove him wrong.] [Like most Blacks,] Richburg accused Whites of prejudice (p. 77). [Prejudice as defined by pro-integrationist T.B. Matson means “a prejudgment, or judgment not based on knowledge or experience. It implies an opinion based on insufficient or irrelevant data.” This is a good definition. Having lived, worked, and associated with Negroes for more than 400 years, no group knows the Negro better than Southerners. He has more than 400 years of experience with and knowledge of the Negro. Whatever caused Southerners to adopt segregation, it was not racial prejudice as Richburg surmised. However, racial prejudice may in part explain why sanctimonious Northerners, who are much less familiar with the Negro, segregated racially by custom.]
    Richburg was right about one thing: Whites in the South would not abolish public schools. If they did, it would be short-lived (p. 76). [In spite of all the bombast to the contrary, Southerners would choose the public school (public indoctrination) system over freeing themselves from governmental indoctrination. They chose to have their children indoctrinated with the “virtues” of integration and mongrelization among other perversions like the homosexual agenda. They chose to have their children taught a new religion instead of Christianity. Their children would now be taught to worship Martin Luther King and the Negro race. (In Islamic terms, the Negro is God and King is his prophet.) Moreover, they chose to suppress freedom of speech for the sake of political correctness (v. http://tcallenco.weebly.com)]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen 

Part 2 

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