Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 2

Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 2

Thomas Allen

[Editor's note: Some of the endnotes have been replaced with links.]

     In Chapter 5, Brink and Harris discuss the politics of race. They lament the failure of Negroes to register and vote (p. 78). This seems to be a perpetual problem with Blacks. When the complete lack of difference between the two major parties is considered, such apathy makes little difference. Like Whites, all that Blacks receive is an echo and not a choice. Just as the Republican Party now ignores the demands and desires of Whites in general and Southerners in particular, so does the Democratic Party takes the Negro for granted. Both work for the best interest of the ruling elite to the detriment of both Whites and Blacks.
    Brink and Harris comment that at the time of their writing Negroes had probably received as little from the political system as any other group. If true, President Johnson would soon change that. With the civil rights law, fair housing law, equal economic opportunity program,  etc., Negroes have been showered with rights and privileges that no other group had ever enjoyed. With the war on poverty, hundreds of billions of dollars have been poured out to the Negro. Never before had a majority so willing sacrificed itself, its property, its heritage, its posterity, and its race for the benefit of a small minority. In the end, Blacks won the civil rights war with the complete and unconditional surrender of Whites. (The small pockets of rebellious Whiles that remain amount to no more than the Indian wars of the late nineteenth century.) The biggest problem for the Negro now is maintaining his privileges as the hordes of Turanians explode; these Turanians cannot and will not be kowtowed as Whites were. Unfortunately for the Negro, his leaders refuse to acknowledge this problem. Contrariwise, they strive to make it worse by supporting the policy of unlimited non-White immigration.
    Brink and Harris note that the electoral college system favors the Negro. About one-third of Blacks lived in seven pivotal industrial States that accounted for 80 percent of the electoral vote in 1960. (A significant change has occurred in the electoral vote since then. The importance of the Northern States has declined, and the importance of the Southern States has risen.) Carrying the Negro vote in these seven States significantly improves the chances of winning the presidency (pp. 80-81).
    Brink and Harris lament the lack of participation by Blacks in the electoral process in the South (pp. 82-86). Negro participation did increase. As a result, more quislings, scalawags, and carpetbaggers were elected. A downfall of democracy is that as the privilege of voting expands among the non-net taxpayers, the quality of candidates and thus leaders and government declines.
    Brink and Harris comment on the overwhelming support that Negroes give the Democratic Party. However, only a small majority regularly support the Democratic Party. They did not want the Democrats to take the Black vote for granted (pp. 86-88). The evangelical Christians fell into this trap with the Republican Party. Their leaders continuously endorsed the Republicans, and the Republicans began taking them for granted. Except the wars in the Middle East, the only thing that the Evangelicals have gotten from the Republicans has been rhetoric.
    Brink and Harris point out the irony of Blacks supporting the Democratic Party. Up to that time, the Republicans had been more supportive of Blacks and their demands for civil rights than Democrats. Many leading Democrats were segregationists. However, many Blacks saw Democrats working to improve the economic standing of the masses while Republicans were concerned only with Big Business (pp. 88ff).
    Brink and Harris comment on the skepticism that Blacks had about Lyndon Johnson as president because he was a Southerner (pp. 92-93). What most people failed to realize was that Johnson was a rascal, scoundrel, quisling, and scalawag of the highest order. He probably surprised most Negroes as he delivered nearly everything that they demanded. The welfare state, of which the Negro has been the principal victim, exploded under his leadership. Ironically most Negro leaders supported the welfare state although it made many Negroes wards of government and by that stripped them of their independence and effectively enslaved them to the government.
    In Chapter 6, Brink and Harris discuss the role of the Negro church. They give a historical overview and discuss the present day (late 1950s and early 1960s).
    Brink and Harris remark “that Negro society tends to be a matriarchal society. . . . The matriarchal character of Negro society is largely a product of broken homes” (p. 100). They note that in 1960 a third of Black women who had been married no longer lived with their husbands as compared with one-fifth of White women (p. 100).
    According to Brink and Harris, the Negro Revolution is a holy war. The Negro is convinced “that his cause is just because it is just before God, and that he must ultimately win because that is God's word and will.” (p. 100). To arrive at such a conclusion requires a highly liberal explanation of the Bible while ignoring large parts of it. The God of the Bible is a God of segregation and not of integration.[1] He does not forbid slavery,[2] but the Bible does provide a code for the just treatment of slaves. Probably none of the characters in the Bible are Negroes. Nearly all are Aryans (Whites) with occasional mention of Melanochroi. Nevertheless, Whites have no justification for oppressing Blacks or any other race. God commanded the species (races) of humans to separate themselves from others. When they are separated, they cannot oppress one another.
    Based on Brink and Harris’ observations, Negro churches were evolving into political organizations. Their ministers were moving away from preaching the Gospel to preaching civil rights, equal rights, Black Power, and the like. They were preaching the social gospel (pp. 103-104).
    Brink and Harris give some background information on Martin Luther King and describe some of his activities and writings (pp. 104-106). However, they fail to mention his Communist connections and sympathies.
     In several places in their book, Brink and Harris remark that because of segregation Blacks are poorly educated. Yet Black leaders, such as King, were highly educated. Segregation did not appear to hold them back educationally.
    Brink and Harris state that a primary source of King's financing is the collection plate of churches where he speaks (p. 105). If Negroes were as economically oppressed as Brink and Harris continuously iterate, where did they get all this money to finance an operation as expensive and elaborate as King’s? Moreover, why did not the IRS revoke the tax exemption status of these churches for promoting politics? Even today the IRS ignores Black churches that preach politics. Yet if a White church preaches against abortion, sodomy, interracial marriage (when was the last time a preacher condemned interracial marriages), and a host of other issues that have been politicized, it risks harassment by the IRS and possible revocation of its tax exemption status.
    Brink and Harris present King and other civil rights leaders as promoters of nonviolence (pp. 105ff). When one undertakes an action that he expects will evoke a violent response, he is not acting nonviolently. King and other civil rights leaders were continuously undertaking actions that they expected and hoped would cause a violent response. (He who fires the first shot does not necessarily start the war; he who causes the first shot to be fired starts the war. Unfortunately, most people lose sight of this principle and place the blame on the responder.)
    Brink and Harris note that most Black ministers believe that the Black church would be among the last institutions integrated and would survive the integration movement (pp. 109-110). If these ministers really believed what they preached, they would have led by example. They would have insisted that Black churches destroy themselves through integration. They would have implemented active integration plans to cause the integrated demise of their churches as soon as possible. What the Negro really wants is to be able to integrate White society and institutions at will. Whites are to have nothing that is beyond integration. Yet at the same time, the Negro wants to protect and preserve Black society and institutions from White integration. That is, Blacks should be able to segregate themselves; Whites should not.
    In Chapter 7, Brink and Harris discuss the leadership of the civil rights movement and the Negro Revolution and the tactics used. However, they fail to identify the Communist leadership of the civil rights movement. Except Dubois, they do not identify any of the leaders as Communists. One Negro leader whom they mention who was a Communist was Ralph Bunche. However, they do not identify him as a Communist. They do note that until 1960, most Black instigators in the South were Northern Negroes.
    In Chapter 8, Brink and Harris discuss what Negroes think of Whites. Only the White man has prevented the Negro from achieving freedom, comforts, and pleasures (p.125). Everything is Whitey’s fault; nothing is Blacky’s fault.
    Brink and Harris quote a Negro as saying that the reason that Whites want to keep the Negro down is to keep Negro men from marrying White women (p. 126). If Blacks did not want to marry Whites, why did they fight to repeal and overturn laws prohibiting interracial marriages? If interracial marriages were not an important objective, why did interracial marriages soar after the prohibition was removed?  They could have gone a long way to alleviate such fears by fighting to keep laws against interracial marriages in place and to enact them in States that did not have them. (Once interracial marriages became acceptable, all other illicit and unscriptural marriages became acceptable including homosexual marriages.)
    The fear of interracial marriage was well-founded. In 1960 only 0.4 percent of White marriages were interracial of which 0.1 percent were with Blacks. By 2010 interracial White marriages had risen to 3.0 percent of which 1.1 percent were with Blacks. By 2010 14.0 percent of Black marriages were interracial; of these 11.8 percent were with Whites. If the current trend continues, the Negro will breed himself out of existence in a few generations. (The American Indian has already almost bred himself out of existence.) Integration is truly genocide.[3]
    One Negro said that Whites needed the Negro so that they could have someone to look down on (p. 126). People who need someone to look down on will find someone to look down on even if that someone is of the same race. (I had a Black secretary, different from the one mentioned above, who told me that light-skin Negroes look down on dark-skin Negroes. Looking down on people is not restricted to Whites.)
    According to Brink and Harris, many Blacks were convinced that most Whites hated them (p. 127). At least in the South, most Whites did not hate Blacks.
    Brink and Harris quote one Negro as saying, “Whites in the North like for Negroes to be independent, but those in the South like you dependent.” (p. 127). If true, the South won and the North lost. With the eruption of the welfare state, the Negro became more dependent than ever.
    One astute Northern Negro observed, “The Southerner lets you know where you stand. The Northerner stabs you in the back.” (p. 128) Another Negro notes, “I think the white man in the North makes a better hypocrite” (p. 128). A wise Negro said, “Man is basically selfish and is not concerned about what type of break someone else is getting as long as it does not affect him. The average American is not overwhelmingly concerned about the Chinese boy who goes to bed hungry or the Indian child whose fingers are cut off to make him a more effective beggar” (p. 128).
    About the baneful moderate White aiding Blacks, one Negro said, “Being a moderate is a nice way for a guy to hide” (p. 129). Another Negro said, “Moderate is just a fancy name for do nothing” (p. 129).
    Brink and Harris note that the Catholic church and Jews have supported the civil rights movement (p. 133). That is not surprising. Both have little regard for the races that God created. Both lust for power. Turmoil often results in concentrating political power. Both intend to control this concentrated power.
    In Chapter 9, Brink and Harris discuss what Whites think of Negroes. They conclude that Whites suffer from guilt about the way that they treat or do not treat the Negro (p. 138). This guilt has destroyed the country and is leading to the extinction of the White race. Brink and Harris selected several comments that Whites made about Blacks; many of the selected comments were highly derogatory — especially by today’s standards (pp. 139-141).
    Many Whites believe that Negroes smell different (pp. 140-141). Brink and Harris give the impression that Whites and Blacks smell the same. Science shows that they differ in odor. Their odor glands secrete different compounds that attract different bacteria. (Turanians are generally odorless.)[4]
    Besides odor, Brink and Harris present several other White stereotypes about Negroes (pp. 140-141).  Many of these so-called stereotypes are supported by statistics and observation. They included loose morals, living off handouts, less intelligence, and breeding crimes.  
    Stereotypes are not created out of the imagination. They develop from experience and observation. Many, but not all, members of the group generally fit the stereotype.
    Brink and Harris show that most Whites in the South and nationwide believe that Negroes have the right to vote, unrestricted use of buses and trains, job opportunities, and decent housing. Although a majority nationwide favor the federal vote-enforcement law, the federal fair employment practice law, the Kennedy civil rights bill, and the public-accommodation bill, most Southerners opposed them (p. 142). If the Southern view had prevailed, both races and the country would have been better off. These laws lead to a more powerful, micromanaging federal government and the destruction of the Black man’s independence and thus his freedom.
    Although a large majority of Whites nationwide supported Eisenhower’s invasion of Arkansas and Kennedy’s invasion of Mississippi, most Southerners opposed them (p. 143).
    Brink and Harris quote a White man saying, “. . . one state can’t tell the other parts of the United States what to do” (p. 143). Apparently, this man had no qualms about other States telling the Southern States what to do. He just objected to the Southern States trying to resist the tyranny of the other States. What a hypocrite he is!
    A majority of Whites thought “that the Negroes were pressing too hard, asking for too much.” (p. 145). Nevertheless, “Whites have remarkably clear understanding of Negro demands.” (p. 145).
      Brink and Harris quote several responses to a question about how Whites thought it must feel to be discriminated against as a Negro. Those quoted express indignation and outrage (p. 147). Everyone, including Whites, is discriminated against nearly every day. Did these people express such indignation and outrage when they themselves were actually discriminated against? Does the federal government have to eliminate all forms of discrimination? The power-hungry micromanagers would certainly like to try as that would give them absolute control over everyone and everything. What most people fail to realize is that every time that they make a choice they discriminate.
    Brink and Harris note that Whites adamantly object to job quotas for Negroes and Negroes given job preference over Whites (p, 149). Whites lost this one as Blacks have received special privileges in the job market.
    Brink and Harris remark that most Whites reject “the notion that the education of white children would suffer if both races go to school together” (p. 150). Were they wrong! Education for both races has been in decline ever since schools were fully integrated.
    Brink and Harris quote a White woman who naively and ignorantly believes that children do not notice racial differences (p. 150). Contrariwise, children who are around other children of other races are aware of racial differences at a very young age. By the time that they are old enough to express the difference, they are aware of the differences.
    In Chapter 10, Brink and Harris discuss breaking the vicious circle. In this chapter, they summarize what the Negro wants and the Negro’s opinion about various things. Basically, Blacks want the White man’s wealth. To get it, they need better jobs, which requires better education, which requires better housing (this was before busing children because of race became popular outside the South).
    Brink and Harris write: “Negroes do not want to take these things [i.e., things that the Negro believes that the Whites have] away from whites or to destroy the white society that has them. On the contrary, Negroes ask only for the chance to earn the better life with dignity” (p. 157).
    No matter what the Negroes claim to want, the primary object of the civil rights movement has been to destroy White society.  With the war on poverty and the exploding welfare state that accompanied the civil rights movement, a great deal of wealth has been taken from Whites via taxation and inflation and transferred to Blacks. When Blacks became dependent on government, they lost all claims to “earning a better life with dignity.”
    According to Brink and Harris, most Negroes want to work next to Whites in an integrated workforce (p. 157). Ironically, often when Blacks are in charge, the workforce becomes predominantly Black with a few token Whites, who are needed to do most of the hard work.[5]
    Brink and Harris state that Blacks believe that their children will do better in school if they sit next to Whites (p. 158). Effectively, they are admitting that they are too inferior to learn without the presence of Whites. Somehow they can capture intelligence from adjacent Whites. The response is that when Blacks seat in a classroom without Whites, Blacks feel inferior (p. 158). Why did not Whites feel inferior when they sat in a classroom without Blacks? Such a claim degrades Blacks. Apparently, Blacks have a low opinion of their children and their ability to learn.
    Brink and Harris quote a Negro man saying, “Negro’s don’t want favoritism, they just want justice” (p. 162). In the end, they got favoritism.
    Brink and Harris show that integration per se was not the primary objective of most Negroes. They want Whites to treat them better. They want equal rights (pp. 162-164).
    Regardless of White “prejudice” and “bigotry” toward Blacks at the time that Brink and Harris wrote this book, today Black prejudices and bigotry toward Whites far exceeds that of Whites toward Blacks.
    Blacks have achieved their primary objective as stated in Brink and Harris’ book. They won the job battle as the job market has been skewed in their favor via discrimination against Whites. (This leads to the question: Did he get the job because of his ability or because of his race?) They won the education battle by destroying White education and getting education lowered to the level of Blacks. They won the housing battle. They can buy houses in White neighborhoods. Yet they get to maintain their own Black neighborhoods. Only self-hating Whites have any desire to live in Black neighborhoods (and Blacks prefer not having those debased people around). Instead of making Blacks more like Whites, integration has made Whites more like Blacks.
    Blacks won the civil rights war and gained full integration. However, they failed to gain their freedom and independence. They are much more enslaved now than then.
     The Communist-led civil rights movement has achieved many of the ruling elites’ goals. It has greatly expanded the power of the federal government and made people more dependent on government. Thus, it has led to the enslavement of all races. More important, it is destroying America and the White race — the primary objectives of the ruling elite.

Endnote

 1.  Thomas Allen, “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation” (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 2015). Thomas Allen, “Is Integration a Moral Law?” (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 2015). Thomas Allen, Integration Is Genocide (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 1997).

2. Allen, “The Bible, Segregation and Miscegenation.”

3. Allen, Integration Is Genocide.

4. Thomas Allen, Species of Men: A Polygenetic Hypothesis (Franklinton, North Carolina: TC Allen Co., 1999), p.27. John R. Baker, Race (New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 170-177. Carlton S. Coon, Racial Adaptation (Chicago, Illinois: Nelson-Hall, 1982), pp. 108-109.

5. For example, see Tracy Abel “The Wages of Idealism” in Face to Face with Race, ed. Jared Taylor (Oakton, Virginia: New Century Foundation, 2014), pp. 3-21.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

Part 1

More articles on social issues. 

Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 1

Review of The Negro Revolution in America -- Part 1

Thomas Allen

[Editor's note: Some of the endnotes have been replaced with links.]

    The following is an analysis of The Negro Revolution in America by William Brink and Louis Harris (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1964). Much of this book is based on surveys. Their words and my paraphrases or summaries of their words, I have italicized. My commentary is in roman letters. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses
    As one would expect from the subject matter of this book, it is anti-White and especially anti-Southerner. Like nearly all pro-Black-civil-rights writers, the authors express a great deal of bigotry and prejudice toward Southerners.
    Chapter 1 discusses the Black race awakening — what the Negro wants. Brink and Harris claim that Blacks “wanted nothing less than full equality” (p. 20). Before 1980 not only had Blacks become the White man’s equal, they had become his superior. Blacks can segregate themselves from Whites, but Whites cannot segregate themselves from Blacks. Blacks can have Black beauty pageants, Black caucuses, Black scholarships, etc. Whites cannot. Blacks are allowed to have Black-only clubs at public universities, but Whites are not allowed to have White-only clubs.
    Blacks can discriminate against Whites, but Whites cannot discriminate against Blacks. Whites feel compelled to declare that they have Black friends. Blacks feel no obligation to claim White friends. To the contrary, many feel compelled to deny that they have White friends. The country now has Jim Crow in reverse, but only worse.
    Brink and Harris contend that the writers of the U.S. Constitution intended for it to apply to Blacks (p. 20). They did not. The Constitution is clear about whom it is written. The Preamble reads “. . . . secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution. . . .” Thus, the writers of the Constitution, who were all White, intended it for their posterity, who would be White. The illegally adopted Fourteenth Amendment was and is used to give Blacks certain rights and privileges. (This  Amendment also stripped most Southern leaders of their political rights and privilege of holding public office.)
    Brink and Harris quote a White man saying, “They only expect the same rights that we have. They only want the same chances we have for a better life” (p. 21). (One wonders how many Blacks lived in this man’s town, Vestal, New York —  probably less than 1 percent.) Brink and Harris quote a Black dentist as saying, “I’d like to see the Negro change from a second-class citizen to a first class-citizen” (p. 21). Eventually Blacks not only achieved equal rights, but they achieved special rights. Not only did they cease being second-class citizens, doting Whites elevated the Negro to a deity, at least in the abstract. (Yankees are notorious for placing the abstract above the concrete.) At the same time, these Whites reduced far too many Blacks to wards of government via welfare programs. By trading the old plantation master for the new government master, Blacks have really come a long way. At least under the old plantation master, they had the pride and dignity of working for their keep.  (They consumed about 90 percent of their production.) Under their new government masters, they have been degraded to little more than breeding and offering jobs for their caretakers. Under the old plantation system, Blacks worked to support Whites. Under the new welfare system, Whites work to support Blacks. Can a person really be a first-class citizen while he is on the public dole?
    Brink and Harris remark that the Negro’s struggle for equal rights had been essentially nonviolent (p. 23). That depends on one’s definition of “nonviolent.” Is violating the property of others nonviolent? Is threatening violence nonviolent? Is deliberately creating a situation that will evoke a violent response nonviolent? They wrote in 1963. The great waves of violence would come with the race riots of the mid-1960s and later. The more Whites surrendered to Blacks, the more violent Blacks became. Why should not they? The more Whites surrendered, the less respect Blacks had for Whites.
    Brink and Harris note that the crime rate for Negroes is too high (p. 25). Civil rights and equality have not reduced the Negro crime rate. If anything, the crime rate of Blacks is even worse today than then.
    Brink and Harris also note the high rate of illegitimate births among Negroes (p. 25). Not only has the civil rights movement raised the illegitimacy of Negroes from 20 percent in 1960 to 72 percent by 2013, but it has also raised the illegitimacy rate of Whites from 2 percent in 1960 to 29 percent by 2013.
    “Negroes (and white sociologists) point out, of course, that these things are produced by the vicious circle that has ruled their lives if they were not downtrodden they would not resort to crime; if their family structure had not been undermined as far back as slavery they would have more stable marital relations; if they had better job opportunities they would not need relief. But the further point that the Negroes make is that they will never be able to improve all of these conditions unless they are granted equal rights now” (p. 25). The Negro won the civil rights war. Hundreds of billions of dollars have been spent on the war on poverty and to enhance Negro health and education. Negroes have been preferentially treated in the job market; they are hired and promoted over better-qualified Whites. Yet none of this has made any difference. They have received what Whitney Young of the National Urban League argued for: a better-than-an-even break, a massive domestic Marshall Plan, and special and preferential treatment. To the extent that all these programs have affected Black crime and illegitimacy, they have raised them. At least Negroes can still blame it on something that none have ever experienced: slavery.
    Brink and Harris quote Martin Luther King’s “I Got a Dream” speech where he talks about judging people by their character and not the color of their skin (pp. 26-27). Contrary to his speech, the legislation and policies that King and other civil rights leaders pushed judged people by the color of their skin and not by their character. The civil rights act, fair housing act, the equal employment opportunity program, and other similar laws and programs were biased in favor of Blacks and discriminated against Whites. They stripped Whites of rights and privileges while granting Blacks special rights and privileges.
    Chapter 2 begins with Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma and an overview of Negro slavery and the Negro in America up to 1960.
    Myrdal was a Swede and a Marxist economist and sociologist who despised the U.S. Constitution as it was a White man’s document. When ordering the integration of public schools, the U.S. Supreme Court relied on Myrdal’s work instead of the U.S. Constitution. In effect, it declared his work the supreme law of the land.
    Brink and Harris note that the first load of Negroes brought to Virginia in 1619 were “promptly sold into slavery” (p. 29). This is not true. As Francis Springer shows in War for What?, these Blacks became indentured servants like many Europeans who came to America to pay for their passage. They were treated the same as European indentured servants. When they had worked their time to pay for their passage and initial upkeep, they were set free. A Negro brought slavery to Virginia when he refused to let his Black indentured servant go free. He got the court to rule in his favor to bind the Black indentured servant to him for lifetime servitude.[1]
    Brink and Harris imply that Whites threw Blacks out of White churches (p. 33). This may be true of some Northern churches. In the South, most Negroes voluntarily left White churches. They wanted their own churches so that they could be independent of Whites. They realized that they could never be free and independent of White rule and oversight if they remained under White rule and oversight. Such independence and freedom require separation instead of integration. Most Black civil rights leaders either forgot or ignored this truism.
    Brink and Harris comment on DuBois and the founding of the NAACP (p. 35). They failed to mention that DuBois was the only Black involved in the founding of the NAACP. Nevertheless, they did note that he later left the NAACP and joined the Communist Party (p. 35). Although they identified the other founders as liberals, they failed to identify them as what they really were: radicals, socialists, and Communists. They do name some of the White founders: John Dewey (who destroyed education in the United States with his progressive education — Whites must be brought down to the Negro’s intellectual level), Jane Addams (who advocated diluting the electorate by forever expanding the privilege of voting and by that diluting the power of the electorate and making it irrelevant), and Lincoln Steffens (who was a journalist and a supporter of the Soviet Union) (p. 35).
    Brink and Harris comment on the great Negro migration from the South to urban areas in the North (p. 38). Much of the Northern support for the civil rights act and related laws resulted from the desire to keep the Negro in his place, i.e., in the South.
    Brink and Harris discuss the rise of black power and the rights and privileges that Blacks need to have to trump the rights and privileges of Whites (pp. 40-41). Under the Communist-led civil rights movement and the integrationist regime, just about every gain that the Negro has made has been at the expense of Whites. Most of what the Negro has received has been given to him by Whites, most of whom have Marxist leanings and all of whom are statist. For the most part, the Negro has not earned what he has received. The whole objective of the civil rights movement has been to increase the power of the federal government, that is, to increase the power of the ruling elite (globalists, one-worlders, heads of major foundations, international financiers, chief executives of multinational corporations, Zionist leaders, leaders of the occult, and other elitists) and to destroy America and the White race.
    Brink and Harris discuss the school integration issue and the slowness of integration (pp. 30-41). School integration ultimately rests on the theory that Negroes are so stupid and intellectually inferior that they are incapable of learning unless they are sitting next to an intellectually superior White student.  Somehow Blacks will absorb the superior intellectual genes of Whites by sitting next to them in the classroom. Also, proponents of school integration declare that Blacks are too stupid and incompetent to teach Black students unless White students are in the classroom to provide intelligence genes.
    Brink and Harris write, “The proliferation of Negro leadership organizations points up a significant fact of the Negro’s revolution, that it has lacked any clear-cut, centralized direction.” (p. 43). That is not exactly true. Behind the prominent civil rights organizations has been the Communist Party. Its control of the civil rights organizations and the civil rights movement has been mostly through fronts and sympathizers and fellow travelers instead of card-caring Communists although they have been heavily involved. Communists have controlled and guided King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and King’s front, the Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Likewise, Communists and Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers were heavily involved in the NAACP and Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).
    At least Brink and Harris comment on some of the victims of the “nonviolent” civil rights movement (pp. 43-47). However, like true integrationists, they blame the violence on Whites. All these violent outbursts and those that followed led cowardly Whites to surrender unconditionally to Black demands. Unfortunately, for Blacks in America, the unconditional surrender was not only to them. It was also to non-Whites across the globe.  This surrender has led to massive immigration of non-Whites, primarily Turanians (mostly East Asians and Latinos). To the Negro’s detriment, these Turanians hate Blacks more than the integrationist’s stereotypical Southerner ever did (few Southerners ever really hated Blacks; more Northerners hated Blacks than did Southerners). Moreover, these Turanians do not suffer White guilt and will never be made to feel guilty about their treatment (mistreatment) of Blacks. Once they reach critical mass, probably in less than 20 years, the Negro will look on the days of segregation and Jim Crow as a time of freedom, respect, and opportunity. The Turanians will suppress them to the lowest rung of society — perhaps even lower than they enjoyed under slavery.
    In Chapter 3, Brink and Harris discuss what it is like to be a Negro. Brink and Harris state, “Negroes believe whites don’t understand them, don’t understand what it is like to be discriminated against and segregated” (p. 48.). Southerners do have some idea of what it is like to be discriminated against. They have been discriminated against and belittled since 1865. Except Indians, they are the only group that the U.S. Constitution specifically denied the privilege of holding public office. (At least the Indians did not have to pay taxes.) Today, the Southerner is one of the few ethics that can be disparaged with impunity. Movie makers seem obliged to belittle and ridicule him as he is seldom presented positively. Like Whites in the North and West, he is also discriminated against in favor of non-Whites.
    Moreover, if a Southerner wants to know what it is like to be a second-class citizen, all he has to do is to read a pro-integration book written in the 1950s or 1960s: They all treat Southerners as second-class citizens and often worse.
    (I have had Blacks discriminate against me. Once, when my office took our secretaries to lunch to celebrate secretary’s day, I had a Black secretary. While returning to the office, my secretary and I stopped at an ice cream shop for ice cream. A Black woman was behind the counter. She gave my secretary two heaping scoops of ice cream and me, two puny scoops. Such discrimination did not humiliate me, make me feel like a second-class citizen, or drive me to protest.
    My wife experienced discrimination in the army. When a Black woman was placed in charge of a work detail, she gave the White women laborious and dirty jobs. She gave the Black woman easy jobs and minimal tasks — they mostly lofted.)
    Much of the poverty suffered by Negroes come from the radical Republicans’ (most radical Republicans were abolitionists) policies and programs to destroy the South during the War and Reconstruction. (Perhaps Southerners need civil rights for Southerners to preserve what remains of their culture, heritage, ethnicity, race, etc.) A major motivation behind the civil rights movement is to bring down the South and Southerners. It has been primarily a war against the South, although it quickly spread to Northern urban areas.
    How and why segregation made the Negro a second-class citizen and how and why integration ends this status is not fully explained. Regarding the Negro, Roy Innis did not see integration as elevating the Negro. He states, “Under segregation, black people live together but their institutions are controlled by whites. Under integration, black people are dispersed and the institutions, goods, and services are still controlled by whites. In effect, the two are the same. But under separatism, black people will control their own turf.”[2]
    Brink and Harris comment that Negroes believe that Whites consider Negroes worthless (p. 49). If true, the Negro is not going to overcome this problem by forced association. Force association creates resentment. More often than not, it reinforces the stereotype. The more a person associates with a group, the more likely he will find examples fitting the stereotype. Moreover, respect has to be earned; it cannot be forced or given. Until the Negro stands on his own in spite of real or perceived discrimination without any governmental aid, he cannot really be respected by himself or others. Innis seems to have realized this when he argued for separation. With separation and without any aid from Whitey, the Negro can prove that he can stand on his own and deserves the respect that he believes that he is entitled.
    Brink and Harris claim that Blacks in the military were degraded during World War II because far too many were relegated to engineering (road construction) and transportation (driving trucks and guarding airports) instead of being mortar meat in front-line combat units. Many Whites on the front line probably would have gladly traded places with these Blacks if given a choice.
    Judging by what Brink and Harris write in Chapter 3, the Negro’s self-esteem depends almost entirely on what Whites think of him and how they treat him. At least the Negro’s problem with self-esteem has been overcome. Blacks now have much more self-esteem than Whites, many of who loath and hate themselves.
    Brink and Harris claim that part of the cause of the Negro’s problem is that nearly half the Black married women worked while less than a third of White married women worked in 1960 (p. 51). The civil rights movement and accompanying programs have made this problem worse. More married women have been forced into the workforce to support the civil-rights welfare state. Also, most Black fathers have been driven from the home so that the government can support their children. Many of these absent fathers end up being supported in the prison system.  Thus, has the civil rights movement advanced the Black race.
      A typical excuse recorded by Brink and Harris for Blacks dropping out of high school is that “they feel they don’t have a chance, so why struggle? I got honors in high school, but I can’t get a decent job.” (p. 57). If Southerners had held this attitude after the devastation of the War and Reconstruction, the South today would be little more than a third-world country. Although Southerners took nearly a century to rebuild the South, they did so. If the South were an independent country, it would be one of the top-tier countries in the world. It rebuilt itself in spite of Yankee discrimination. It made its greatest strides during Yankee neglect. No Marshal Plan was available to rebuild the South. The Negro needs to look to himself and not to others.
    A major complaint of Blacks during the era of Brink and Harris’ writing was the poor education received by Blacks (pp. 56-58). The civil rights-integrationist movement has solved this problem by reducing the quality of public education for everyone. Now Blacks, White, and all others are poorly educated (but well indoctrinated). Most consider the generation of the founding fathers as the greatest generation ever produced in this country. Yet not one of them had a public education. Perhaps we should follow their example for education.
    In Chapter 4, Brink and Harris describe the weapons of the Negro Revolution. These weapons include riots, demonstration marches, picketing stores, boycotts, sit-ins, etc. They discuss the effects that the Freedom Rides and other demonstrations had on Negroes (pp. 66ff). Like most integrationists, Brink and Harris blame all the violence on Whites instead of the Black agitators seeking a violent reaction (p. 64). (One wonders how many federal agents and operatives had been implanted in White resistant groups to urge Whites to do what the integrationist provocateurs wanted: to react violently.)
    Brink and Harris describe Whites attacking Black Freedom Riders in Montgomery in 1961. They discuss CORE, which had organized the Freedom Riders (pp. 63-66). James Farmer was the national director of CORE then. A basic tactic was that Farmer and CORE threatened to bring violence to a community unless the community surrendered unconditionally to the demands of King and SCLC. (SNCC was also used to threaten violence unless the community surrendered unconditionally to King.)
    Like most integrationists, Brink and Harris declare the Negro demonstration to be nonviolent on the part of the Negro (pp.65-66). Whenever people deliberately undertake an action that they know will provoke a violent response, they are not completely innocent of the resulting violence.
    According to Brink and Harris, the Freedom Riders were trained to love those who attacked them (p. 65). If these Freedom Riders really loved their White attackers, they would have never knowingly created a situation to provoke Whites into attacking them.
    Brink and Harris remark that the civil rights movement taught Blacks that “going to jail is no longer shameful blot on their record; it has become a badge of honor” (p. 68). Perhaps this in part explains why so many Black men end up in prison. Going to prison is a badge of honor — a hangover from the glory days of the civil rights movement.
    Brink and Harris comment on Rosa Park being arrested for refusing to give up her bus seat to a White and the boycott that followed. They state that she was a seamstress (p. 70). However, they fail to mention that she was a Communist agent who had been trying to create an incident.
    In a sense, this boycott was a failure. It did not end the law that segregated seating on buses in Montgomery. White men on the U.S. Supreme Court ended it (p. 70).
    Brink and Harris do admit that the Negro is ready to use weapons to get what he wants (p. 71) — so much for nonviolence. As the years that followed show, the Negro was much more militant than Brink and Harris were ready to admit.
    Brink and Harris note that some Negroes felt “that the potential for violence lies chiefly in the South and will not be much of a factor in the North” (pp. 71-72). Were these Negroes wrong! The worst race riots inflicted on the country were outside the South. Most of these riots resulted in destructing Black neighborhoods and Black businesses — so much on teaching Whitey a lesson. Nevertheless, White taxpayers ended up paying for the reconstruction.
    Brink and Harris quote several Northern Negroes saying how much Southerners hated Blacks and wanted to kill Blacks. Some of those interviewed expressed hatred of Whites and Southerners in particular (p. 72). An irony of the civil rights movement is that race relations have generally been better in the South than in the North and West. That must be a great surprise to anti-Southerners.

Endnote

1.  Francis W. Springer, War for What? (Nashville, Tennessee: Bill Coats Ltd., 1990), pp. 8-9.

2. Francis X. Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, III (1972), p. 462.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Part 2 

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