Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 3

Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 3

Thomas Allen

    About the claim “that integration is part of the communist conspiracy in America,” Putnam writes:

The communists have made the integration movement a part of their conspiracy, although of course communism is not the only force back of integration. Communism is one phase of a disease, of which equalitarianism and socialism are milder phases, all of which stem from the general leftist overdrift (p. 73).

[For the most part, egalitarians and socialists are not formal Communists; they are communist sympathizers and fellow travelers. They strive for the same goals and objectives. Their disagreements are ones of methods, not of substance.] Contrariwise, Putnam writes that:

[T]he equalitarian ideology, which presumes to justify integration, is playing into communist hands, not only by setting section against section in America, but by spreading the equalitarian virus, and thus weakening the body politic to a point where more dangerous phases of the disease are contracted (p. 73).

    Putnam comments on the connection between wealthy foundations and foundations supporting the Communist cause of integration (pp. 74-75). [V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” and “Foundations.”]
    To the question “[D]oes not our democracy need to practice equalitarianism at home in order to fight communism aboard,” Putnam replies, “[Y]ou do not fight a disease by contracting it” (p. 75). [In a sense, this is the theory underlying vaccination.] He adds, “[I]f a gangster offers your child opium to get him to join his side, you do not also offer him opium to keep him on yours” (p. 73). Then he quotes the humanitarian Albert Schweitzer:

        The Negro is a child, and with children nothing can be done without the use of authority. We must, therefore, so arrange the circumstances of daily life that my natural authority can find expression. With regard to the Negroes, then, I have coined the formula: 'I am your brother, it is true, but your elder brother.’
        The combination of friendliness with authority is the great secret of successful intercourse. One of our missionaries, Mr. Robert, left the staff some years ago to live among the Negroes as their brother absolutely. He built himself a small house near a village between Lambarene and N’Gomo, and wished to be recognized as a member of the village. From that day his life became a misery. With his abandonment of the social interval between white and black he lost all his influence (p. 76).

     Next Putnam writes, “[Black Africans] do not really desire or understand freedom and its responsibilities; they wish equality and the capture for themselves of the fruits of the intelligence and enterprise of others” (p. 76). He reminds us that liberals and churchmen demand that Europeans take over backward countries to end the cruelty and horrors practiced by the natives. Now they demand that  Europeans return these countries to the natives so that they can again practice these cruelties and horrors (p.77). [When Europeans turned over their African colonies to native Black Africans, Africans in most of them proceeded to hack up members of other tribes.]
    Putnam comments negatively on economic aid being able to help Africa (pp. 77-80). [Economic aid has made many African leaders wealthy beyond their dreams while doing little for the common people. As the saying goes, “foreign aid is poor people in rich countries giving money to rich people in poor countries.”] He questions the wisdom of granting independence to African countries. [Abandoning their colonies was more for the benefit of Europe than the colonies that gained their independence. The major mistake made, probably deliberately, was failing to redraw the borders of countries to match tribal boundaries. Such an action would have made Africa a much more peaceful continent. Africa proves that diversify is not strength; it is a detrimental weakness. It only benefits the ruling elite because it increases their power.] Putnam saw granting colonies their independence as creating a vacuum for the Communists to fill. [It did create such a vacuum, and the United States often aided the Communists in filling the vacuum.]
    Next he comments on new African countries hating colonialism (pp. 80-81) and the White race being outnumbered by two to one by the colored races (p. 81).
    Putnam explains that he and his philosophy are not authoritarian (pp. 82-83) or extreme rightist (pp. 83-84). [Egalitarianism, out of which comes integration, requires authoritarianism to overcome the natural innate inequality of humans.]
    About egalitarianism, Putnam writes:

[B]y a series of insidious steps the equalitarian virus produces that most disastrous of all diseases, the complete appeasement of evil. At some point, all ability to discriminate is lost, all resistance to wrong ceases, all indignation dies, all evil is met with sobbing pleas which evil most naturally greets with contemptuous laughter, and the red death of a Godless communism settles on the earth (p. 83).

    Putnam believes that the reason that the leaders of the major political parties ignore the Southern viewpoint is ignorance of its scientific validity. “But this ignorance they are inclined to cherish, and to avoid correcting, because of the balance of power held by Negro voters in certain key states” (p. 84). [The main reason is that the ruling elite wants integration because it increases their power.]
    Putnam comments on the economic backwardness of the South, which was caused by the War for Southern Independence and Reconstruction. However, the South retains much more of the country’s traditional cultural heritage than does the North (pp. 85-86).
    Putnam believes that the NAACP could do great work for the Negro, but it does not (pp. 88-90). [Marxist and other egalitarians founded the NAACP, and they have controlled it ever since {v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement”}. Its primary objective is not helping Blacks, but to destroy the White race — at least that has been the result of its actions.] He continues:

        In the long run, it does him [the Negro] only harm to encourage him to blame others for his own shortcomings. It is particularly harmful to encourage ingratitude, insolence and aggressive imposition on the whites of the South.
        Under equalitarian influence, with a strong assist from communism, it has become the fashion in the North to regard the Southern Negro as the victim of oppression, while the truth is that the Negro in the South is on the whole the product of a friendliness and helpfulness unequalled in any comparable instance in all history (p. 88).

    He contrasts the lives of Blacks in the segregated South with those of Blacks in the Black governed countries of Liberia and especially Haiti. Blacks in the South live “in greater luxury than many Whites in foreign countries” (p. 89). Putnam adds, “I know of no case anywhere in the world in which whites have lived with large numbers of blacks without segregation and avoided genocide” (p. 90).
    In response to the comment “that the Negro owes nothing to the white man except his troubles,” Putnam writes, “If the Negro likes what our white civilization has to offer, then he should remember that he owes that to the white man” (p. 90).
    To the suggestion that “the best way to elevate the Negro [is] to give him a chance to associate socially with white people,” Putnam replies, “Although such a procedure is basic to the equalitarian philosophy, the best way to lift the inferior up does not lie in pulling the superior down” (p. 90). He adds:

    In forcing integration upon the schools of the South, the equalitarians have chosen the most defenseless elements of the community — the children and their under-paid teachers — to carry a burden even the strongest should not attempt to bear. Under the circumstances it is not hard to understand the anger of Southerners, and why it sometimes becomes passion (pp. 90-91).

[When the North’s turn to integrate came, Northern parents in cities with a large Negro population reacted just as passionately as Southern parents, if not more so. After all, integration was just to be for the South and nowhere else so these sanctimonious Northerners thought.]
    Putnam notes that Southerners are far less prejudiced than Northerners. “Prejudice is simply . . . judging before getting the evidence. The South has far more evidence, far more experience, concerning the Negro than the North. And hence it is the North that is pre-judging when it tells the South what it ought to do about the Negro problem (p. 91).”
    Putnam remarks that because “it is wrong to bully, humiliate or exploit a Negro, does not make it right to integrate him” (p. 91).
    He comments on the exceptional Negro. They are either mixed breeds or statistical outliers and are not typical (pp. 92-93).
    Putnam notes that the distinction between “desegregation” and “integration” is irrelevant. Desegregated schools will integrate. [Desegregation failed to cause schools to integrate fast enough. So, courts, Congress, and the President forced integration on the country.]
    Putnam gives an excellent response to the concern of second-class citizens. He remarks, “Segregation does not make a second class citizen” (p. 94).
    About condemning a man because of his skin color, Putnam writes, “Skin color has no bearing on the matter. The Negro’s limitations are in the realms of character and intelligence, and the fact they are associated with a black skin is irrelevant” (p. 94).
    Putnam refutes the notion that segregation deprives Blacks of pride and self-respect, which some integrationists believe are essential in developing personality (p. 95). [Sellers argues that White pride is a primary cause of segregation (v. “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics”). Black pride must be good, and White pride, bad.]
    Putnam comments on discrimination and how egalitarians have corrupted the meaning of the word to the detriment of society (p. 95) and tolerance, which can be a virtue or a vice (p. 95).
    Next, he responds to the comment Southerners are racial bigots (pp. 95-96) and concludes that “the Southern position on race [is] more reasonable by far than that of the North. The North is proving itself both irrational and blind” (p. 96).
    To the notion that segregationists are preaching hate instead of love, Putnam replies, “It is those who are forcing the Negro into an unnatural relationship with the white race that are guilty of hostile aggression. . . . The spirit of those back of the integration movement is not love” (p. 96). [How can destroying a race and a country be love, which is what integration does?]
    Putnam notes that the integrationists are far more emotional on school desegregation than Southerners (p. 96).
    He identifies problems and illegalities with the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (pp. 97-98). He adds:

    [T]here was never the slightest suggestion on the part of Congress or anybody else that the Amendment was intended to apply to schools. Congress, having direct control of this matter in the District of Columbia, maintained segregated schools there from the beginning, which is sufficient indication of the intent of the body which proposed the Amendment (p. 98).

[Besides using it for forced integration, the U.S. government has used the Fourteenth Amendment as a cover for many of its other nefarious, power-grabbing activities.]
    To the comment “that the trend of previous decisions made integration decision inevitable,” Putnam replies, “A trend. which made the integration decision inevitable was a trend in the wrong direction. . . . If the trend be wrong, it should be stopped. If it be right up to a point, it should be stopped at that point” (p. 99). He adds, “Desegregation in a non-social situation is one thing. Integration in a social situation is quite another, A trend in one might be justified while in the other it should never be allowed to start” (p. 99). [What may be considered a non-social situation in one community may be considered a social situation in another.] Thus, he notes that the line “is sometimes hard to draw and is a matter which, under our federal form of government, should be left to local decision” (pp. 99-100).
    To the comment that the decision of the Supreme Court is the law, Putnam replies, “Unlike the Constitution which is the law of the land, a decision of the Supreme Court is ‘the law of the case,’ reversible at will by the members who handed it down, or by other members of the same court at any future date” (p. 100). [In 1954 the Supreme Court declared segregated schools illegal after previous Supreme Courts had declared them legal. Moreover, under the Constitution, only Congress can make laws; the Supreme Court has no such constitutional authority.]
    Putnam objects to the notion that opposition is hopeless and people should integrate and make the best of it. He was convinced that the fight had only begun (pp. 100-101). [Unfortunately, Putnam has been proven wrong. Within a few years, Whites surrendered unconditionally to the integrationists and are now on the verge of losing their country. Soon Turanians, primarily Latinos and East Asians, will control the country. Many of them hate Blacks with a passion greater than the stereotypical Klansman and will segregate Blacks who survive with an intensity that they have never known possible. Moreover, Turanians do not suffer from false White guilt, so Blacks cannot bend them {Turanians} to their {Blacks’} will as they do Whites. Blacks will rue the day when they conspired with Communists, Marxists, and other egalitarians, most of whom are self-hating Whites, to bring down the White race.]
    Putnam believes “that the best answer to the humanitarian integrationist is the even more humanitarian segregation . . .” (p. 101). He condemns the surrender attitude held by far too many Whites (pp. 101-102). [Integrationists use humanitarianism as propaganda to brainwash dulled Whites and Blacks into supporting them. However, the objective of the inner core is the opposite of humanitarianism. Their objective is to destroy the United States and the White race even if it means destroying the Black race. Over the last 60 years, they have made great progress and are close to achieving their goal.]
    Putnam comments on the “melting pot” fallacy (p. 104). [What he states that he opposes (p. 104) is coming to pass.]
    He poses nine questions, the answer to which shows the detrimental effects of racial integration with Negroes on the country, Whites, and Blacks (pp. 105-106).
    When asked “[W]hat is the solution to the Negro problem . . . other than integration,” Putnam answers, “It should be left to the sovereign states to solve in accordance with the way the issue is presented in each separate area” (p. 107). [Genocide — breed the races to extinction —is the solution offered by integrationists. The best solution is separation. That is, each nationality has its own nation-state. Thus, the races would govern themselves independently of other races. This solution preserves their integrity.]
    Putnam discusses the flaws of the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision and ways to reverse it (pp 108-113). He concludes that educating “our” leaders is necessary. [One cannot educate people who do not want to learn. For the most part, “our” leaders do not want to be educated. They do not want their fragile egos to be bruised. Moreover, if they learn the truth, they may feel compelled to undertake corrective action, which makes them uncomfortable.]
    Putnam believes that the South should de-emphasize the states’ rights argument and focus on the limited racial adaptability of the Negro and convince “the North that integration is morally wrong because it is destructive of the white civilization of the South” (p. 110). [Later, Northerners got to witness the integrationist destruction of the white civilization of the North. When their turn came, Northerners surrendered unconditionally after some ineffective protest just as Southerners had done. To do otherwise, they would have had to admit that they had been wrong, which is hard for people to do. Furthermore, by that time Whites had been taught to tremble in fear before the word “racist.” None would want to be labeled a “racist.” Only a “racist” could oppose integration and its destructive effects. Because Northerners failed to come to the aid of the South in the 1950s, the United States will cease being a White country around 2040. The primary blame for the death of America lies with Whites outside the South. White quisling leaders in the South who capitulated are also guilty.]
    In Chapter IV, Putnam presents his conclusions. He concludes:

The mulatto who was bent on making the nation mulatto was the real danger. His alliance with the white equalitarian often combined men who had nothing in common save a belief that they had a grudge against society. They regarded every Southerner who sensed the genetic truth as a bigot and used every tactic of deceit and every balance-of-power position to teach and vote a genetic fallacy. Here were the men who needed to be reminded of the debt the Negro owed to white civilization (p. 117).

    Putnam has written an excellent book supporting segregation. His book is full of wisdom and gems too numerous to present in this review.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

Part 2 

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