Saturday, August 20, 2016

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason -- Part 2

Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 2
Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 3, Putnam presents some comments that he received on his open letter to the Attorney General and his responses.
    Putnam notes that Southerners “talk of states’ rights when they should be talking anthropology, and they do so out of instinctive human kindness” (p. 35). [That is, Southerners used a weak argument against integration because they did not want to hurt the Negro’s feelings.]
    Putnam writes, “In forcing integration upon the South, the North is demanding that the South do what the North itself in similar circumstances would not do. It is an established fact that white people favor integration throughout the United States exactly in proportion as they do not need to practice it.” [On integration, truer words have never been written. When the North’s turn to integrate came, Northerners in areas with a large Black population, e.g., Boston and New York City, resisted as vigorously and as futilely as Southerners. If they had stood with Southern segregationists in the early days, they would not have had their cities torn asunder by integration. As many Whites who could flee fled and, thus, turned some major cities into Black ghettos.]
    Putnam cites several reasons why Southern White children should not be forced to go to school with Blacks. One is that their parents do not want them to. More important, the two races are biologically unequal in their capacity to advance (p. 36). [Integration has done little to overcome this biological inequality.]
    Putnam quotes from a letter to him from a professor of physiology: “School integration is social integration, and social integration means an ever increasing rate of interbreeding. As a biologist I see the process as a mixing of Negro genes in our white germ plasm, a process from which there can be no unmixing” (p. 37). Then Putnam asks “the Northern integrationist by what authority he claims the right to gamble with the white civilization of the South, against the will of its people, while he personally sits secure with his children in all white schools, or in schools with negligible percentages of Negroes. To me this appears as one of the worst examples of hypocrisy and brutality in all history” (p. 37). [Is there no end to Yankee hypocrisy?]
    Some correspondents recommended that White absorb the Black population by interbreeding (p. 37). [Thus, they wanted to breed Blacks to extinction, which is nothing more than genocide (v. Integration is Genocide). This is the Billy Graham solution. Resorting to genocide of the American Black to solve the race problem shows how much these people hate Blacks.]
    Many pro-integrationists, especially the Negro leaders pushing integration, agree with Putnam: Integration leads to more interracial marriages and breeding (pp. 38-37). [One must ask why these Black leaders hate their race so much that they want to breed it out of existence. Contrariwise, do they hate Whites so much that they are willing to destroy the American Black to bring down the White man. Integration has led to a significant increase in interracial marriages. In 1960 0.4 percent of White marriages were interracial, and 1.7 percent of Black marriages were interracial. In 2010, 3.0 percent of White marriages were interracial, and 14.0 percent of Black marriages were interracial. Thus, interracial marriage is far more destructive of the Black race than it is of the White race.)
    Some attacked Putnam with the argument that “many individual Negroes are superior to many individual whites” (p. 42). To which, Putnam replies:
In dealing with matters of race, we must either compare average with average or best with best; we cannot logically compare best with worst. When the chart of the Caucasoid race as a whole is laid beside the chart of the Negro race as a whole, in those attributes involved in our type of civilization, the Caucasoid will be found superior at each level except perhaps the lowest where the question arises, can one be better at being bad? (p. 42)
    As part of his response to opposing interracial social association and interracial marriages, Putnam quotes a Southerner who said, “However weak the individual white man, his ancestors produced the greatness of Europe; however strong the individual black, his ancestors never lifted themselves from the darkness of Africa” (p. 42).
    Putnam refutes the supposed Black civilizations of Africa (pp. 42-44). He discusses the effects of the African climate on the Negro (pp. 45-46). Next he explains how the fallacious doctrine of racial equality became so popular (pp. 46-48).
    Putnam discusses the claim of virtual unanimity among scientists on the biological equality of the Negro and notes that this claim is false (pp. 48-52). He adds:
There is a strong northern clique of equalitarian social anthropologists under the hypnosis of the Boas school which . . . has captured important chairs in many leading northern and western universities. This clique, aided by equalitarians in government, the press, entertainment, and other fields, has dominated public opinion in these areas and has made it almost impossible for those who disagree with it to hold jobs (p. 49).
[This economic blackmail and extortion are not limited to racial interests. The ruling elite frequently uses it in other venues (for example, see “Two Views of History” .)] He continues:
In a moral sense we are confronted with what might almost be called a trilogy of conspiracy, fraud and intimidation: conspiracy to gain control of important citadels of learning and news dissemination, fraud in the teaching of false racial doctrines, and intimidation in suppressing those who would preach the truth. To speak of academic freedom in the United States today is to make a mockery of the term (pp. 49-50).
[We see the same thing occurring with the climate, a.k.a. global warming, and homosexual agendas. Academic freedom today is nonexistence — especially on social issues. Freedom of speech is dead at most universities and colleges. Political correctness is a malignant cancer destroying everything.]
    Putnam discusses Arnold Toynbee (pp. 52-53) and changes in the size of skulls (p. 53).
    He comments on Dr. J.C. Carothers and the frontal lobes of the Negro (pp. 53-54). Dr. Carothers concludes that either “the mentality of a normal African may be due to the fact that the African’s culture does not place as great a demand on his frontal lobes” or “the frontal lobe condition of the African is innate” (p. 53). To Dr. Carothers’ conclusion, Putnam replies, “The truth is that a race must create its culture before the culture can influence the race” (pp. 53-54).
    Next Putnam discusses Alfred Kroeber (pp. 54-55).
    Then Putnam comments on the accusation that he is a White supremacy allying himself with lynchers and bombers (pp. 55-56). His response to this accusation is:
As far as the Negro race is concerned, if it is interested in such cultural elements as our white civilization has to offer, it should realize that to destroy or to debilitate the white race would be to kill the goose that lays the golden egg. It is a temptation as old as the human species, and always ends with a dead goose and no eggs (p. 55).
[Most Black leaders seem to prefer no eggs if they cannot be the goose. Their goal is to bring the White man down and to become his superior. They are finding many self-hating White quislings who will aid them in this endeavor.]
    Putnam states:
I believe the Negro, if he desires it, should be given every reasonable chance of achieving social and cultural adaptation through equal education in his own schools and by every community effort that does not involve pulling down the white race, but it does not follow that I believe the average Negro capable of achieving it, within any time limits that could have a practical bearing on the present controversy (p. 56).
He asks:
Does the Negro really want to become like the white man, or will he not in the end prefer to maintain his own racial integrity, eliminating only those factors which conflict with a peaceable life in a predominantly white civilization? In other words may not the best solution to the problem be permanent voluntary segregation through pride in, and loyalty to, one’s own race, Negro as well as white? (p. 56)
    Then he discusses a character and intelligence index (pp. 58-59) and crossbreeding (p. 59).
    Putnam comments on equality. He discusses the Declaration of Independence and cites Jefferson and Lincoln. He declares that equality can only coexist with liberty “in the sense of equality of opportunities” (pp. 60-62). [With equality, Putnam stumbles. Does a five-foot, overweight klutz have the same opportunity to become a multimillion-dollar center in the NBA as a seven-foot, highly coordinated, muscular athlete? Does a person with an IQ of 70 have the same opportunity of becoming a scientist, engineer, or doctor as someone with an IQ of 130? The answer to both questions is “no.” Genetics prevents people from having equal opportunity. Moreover, the family in which one is born has a great influence on opportunities and prevents equal opportunity. Later, Putnam does explain that genetics and family, heredity and environment, thwart equality (p. 63)].
    He cites Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address as promoting “all men are born equally free” (p. 60). [It does not. It promotes oppression. Commenting on the battle of Gettysburg and the Gettysburg Address, H.L. Mencken wrote:
Think of the argument in it [the Gettysburg Address]. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination — ‘that government of the people, by the people, for the people,’ should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to image anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in that battle fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves. What was the practical effect of the battle of Gettysburg? What else than the destruction of the old sovereignty of the States, i.e., of the people of the States: The Confederates went into battle free; they came out with their freedom subject to the supervision and veto of the rest of the country — and for nearly twenty years that veto was so effective that they enjoyed scarcely more liberty, in the political sense, than so many convicts in the penitentiary.]
    [As for Jefferson’s phrase “all men are created equal” in the Declaration of Independence, it is doubtful that he intended it to include Blacks. If he did, he was a first-class hypocrite. The Declaration of Independence was a propaganda document to justify secession from the British Empire.]
    Putnam believes that for most signers of the Declaration of Independence, it “‘had no reference to the Negro whatever when they declared all men to be created equal.’” It only referred to “‘white men, men of European birth and European descent’” (pp. 60-61). [Here he is correct.]
    To show that equality is incompatible with liberty, Putnam quotes Hamilton: “Inequality will exist as long as liberty exists. It unavoidably results from that very liberty itself” (p. 60).
    Putnam notes that the U.S. Constitution does not mention “equality.” Quoting from the preamble, he states that the purpose of the Constitution is to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity” (p. 61.) [He misses a great opportunity to point out that the Constitution was written by White people for White people. White men wrote and adopted it. Barring miscegenation, which they abhorred, they expected their posterity to be White. No wonder Boas, Myrdal, and their like hate it so much! The Fourteenth Amendment became necessary to incorporate free Blacks because the original Constitution did not apply to Blacks, except as slaves, and free Blacks were never expected to be citizens or to have the rights and privileges of citizens.]
    Putnam refutes the notion that “equality for the Negro require[s] desegregation.” He declares, “What the Negro is really demanding is social equality with a group that does not desire his company” (p. 62). [What Blacks really want is not equality, but superiority.]
    Putnam provides an excellent response to the concern of injuring the self-esteem of someone by reflection on his racial background (p. 64). [To enhance the self-esteem of Blacks, the integrationists have annihilated the self-esteem of Whites.] Likewise, his response to discrimination against the exceptional Negro based on racial average is excellent (p. 64).
    Putnam discusses the issue of schools being social institutions. He notes that in many rural areas, schools are  social centers. Students eat together, play together, travel together, and dance together. Thus, schools are as much of places of social interaction as they are educational institutions (pp. 65-66). [A major objective of integrating schools is to encourage interracial mating and by that destroy the White race even if it requires destroying the Black race. A White girl whom Putnam quotes (p. 65) confirms this outcome.]
    Putnam quotes a Southern author about integration leading to miscegenation: “To suppose that we can promote all other degrees of race mixing but stop short of inter-racial mating is like going over Niagra Falls in a barrel in the expectation of stopping three-fourths of the way down” (p. 66).
    Putnam correctly contends that the egalitarian ideology leads to interracial marriages. He writes:
A youth brought up to believe all races potentially equal is first conditioned to disregard the evidence of his senses and the dictates of sound judgment, and then to feel the added pressure of pity. Here, he thinks, is a member of a race which has suffered “cultural deprivation” — not only will time adjust all differences, but marriage may be a recompense for injustice (p. 66).
[Marriage statistics show that integration has been highly effective at causing increasing numbers of interracial marriages.]
    Moreover, Putnam correctly notes “that the first thing a group or party that wishes to remake a civilization to suit itself is going to do is to corrupt the relatively defenseless minds of children” (p. 66). [Those who seek to demolish the United States and the White race have gained control of education and religion. With their control, they have brainwashed many with their destructive alien ideas. Thus, the United States are no longer Christian and have become Marxist by adopting all the planks of The Communist Manifesto.]
    Putnam remarks that the Christian religion promises salvation to all men; however, all men are not consequently equal in the sight of God. He notes that salvation is not status. Status has to be earned. He adds, “To assume that a person who wastes his life, albeit confident in his redemption through faith, stands on an equal footing before God with a man who strives to progress in character and service, is to make a mockery of the Christian religion” (p. 67). [According to Jesus, faith in him guarantees one’s salvation. Works determine one’s status. As Putnam notes, far too many people, including theologians, confuse salivation with status.]
    Putnam states, “[W]hen we are confronted with a situation where a race must be considered as a race, there is no alternative to building the system around the average. The minor handicap to the exceptional individual, if such there be, is negligible compared to the damage that would otherwise result to society as a whole” (p. 68).
    Putnam comments that it may be too late to repatriate the American Negro to his biological and spiritual home. However, “it may not be too late to redeem in America the heritage of the white man” (p. 69). If this is not done, the White man in the United States will lose his home. [If he were to write his book today, Putnam would probably conclude that it is too late for the White man to redeem himself and save his home. The White man has lost the United States although he may still be able to save parts of it. Regardless of the White man, Latinos and other races will, if left unchecked, withdraw large territories from the United States. Secession is in the air, and the Latinos will lead the way. Whites will do nothing for fear of being called “racists.” Blacks will long for the good old days of segregation as Latinos will ethnically cleanse their territory of Blacks.]
    Putnam gives an excellent response to the question: “What’s the use in trying to convince my mind when my heart tell me segregation is wrong?” (p. 69) He quotes Matthew 22:36-37 where Jesus states the first and greatest commandment, i.e., loving God with all our heart, soul, and mind. Then Putnam adds:
There seems little doubt that most of our difficulties are due to a failure to use our minds as well as our hearts, and that more of the evil in the world is created by fools than by knaves. Well intentioned, but ignorant or stupid, people are at the bottom of most of the world’s troubles. The heart, unguided by wisdom, soon leads us into emotionalism and thence into chaos (p. 70).
    On the concept of the brotherhood of man, Putnam notes that “brotherhood begins with the family.” Then he adds, “The communist technique of undermining the family as a social unit is very much of a part with their pressure for racial integration. Communists want to destroy all loyalties except loyalty to the State (p. 70). [Unlike the pro-integrationists, Putnam acknowledges that Communists are behind integration, and he is right (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement”).] Continuing, he states “that the grouping instinct is basic, and that race is one of the wider groups” (pp. 70-71).
    Putnam writes, “to expose young white children, in their most formative years, to the Negro influence would have an immediate adverse effect (p. 71).” [Regrettably, the last 55 years of integration have proven Putnam right. Whites have become more like Blacks than Blacks have become like Whites. Instead of Blacks adopting the culture, morals, and virtues of Whites, Whites have adopted those, or the lack thereof, of Blacks.]
    Putnam discusses modern sociology and notes that it is founded on modern egalitarian anthropology (pp. 71-72). He believes that “the real contest in America today is between equalitarianism on the one hand, and individual freedom and responsibility on the other.” He continues, “One of the notions inherit in the first system is the idea that benefits should flow from the State; in the second, that benefits should flow from individual efforts” (p. 71). [With each decade of integration, egalitarianism has advanced and individual freedom, responsibility, and effort have retreated. Thus, Communists and other Marxists are winning, and the lovers of liberty are losing.]
    Putnam writes, “[Y]ou cannot create superior ideals and superior people by pretending that inferior ideals and inferior people — black or white — are just as good” (p. 72). [Because of declaring that the inferior is just as good as the superior, the United States have collapsed into moral, ethical, religious, spiritual, social, political, and economic decay. Few would have thought that a ruling by the Supreme Court in 1954 would bring down the United States.]
    Putnam quotes one of his correspondents:
        In the last ten years, or ever since the decision was made by the leftwingers to enlist the Negro in their crusade for universal erosion, the leadership of the Negro race has almost abandoned efforts at self-improvement by the Negro. . . .
        Now virtually all the emphasis is being placed upon the theory that the big obstacle to a millennium for the Negro race is the oppressive social system under which he lives. Even a far more sophisticated and superior race of people would be corrupted by such a narcotic as this. In the case of the Negro, with his uncritical mind and lack of experience, the result has been nothing less than a catastrophe (p. 72).
[This was written before the War on Poverty program. The catastrophe that concerned this correspondent pales to insignificance compared with the catastrophe that occurred after the adoption of the War on Poverty program. The War on Poverty and related programs have devastated and nearly destroyed the Black family and Black responsibility. They have enslaved many Blacks to the government. Sadly, few Blacks realize that they have again become slaves.]

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

Part 1, Part 3 

More articles on social issues.

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