Review of The Biology of the Race Problem

Review of The Biology of the Race Problem

Thomas Allen

    The following is a review of The Biology of the Race Problem by Dr. Wesley Critz George. It is a report prepared by the Commission of the Governor of Alabama in 1962. My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    George’s report was written in response to school desegregation orders of federal courts. It is a concise, cogent, convincing argument. The information presented is correct. Therefore, this review contains many quotations from his report with some summaries. Only a few commentary remarks have been added, and these mostly support George’s arguments.
    George briefly overviews the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision, Brown vs. Board of Education. “Support for that decision and adherence to or rejection of the programs that it imposes should be based upon the most complete and reliable knowledge and understanding that it is possible to obtain” (p. 1). [Proponents of this decision base their support mostly on Marxist egalitarian emotionalism. Although many opponents based their opposition on emotionalism, many based theirs on science and history.] He notes, “There is no record that the Court or the Federal government has at any time sought to get that knowledge and understanding, although the opinions of certain ‘authorities’ were cited as justification for the ruling” (p. 1). [These authorities were Marxist sociologists, psychologists, and anthropologists. They believed the Boas’ dogma that environment makes the man; heredity, genetics, is irrelevant.] When the Supreme Court abandoned former legal precedence and the historic meaning of the Constitution and based its decision on “science” and the opinions of “authorities,” it made the validity of its ruling dependent on the truth and the validity of its scientific material (p. 5). [This may be true for the rational mind. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court had an agenda: to integrate American society and by that bring down America, the White race, and Western Civilization. It had to be highly selective in its “science.” It selected Marxist “authorities” who supported racial integration and rejected all other scientists and authorities.]
    George remarks that one of the most important problems facing America is, “Shall we pursue programs that would result in mixing the genes of the Negro race with those of the White race and so convert the population of the United States into a mixed-blooded people” (p. 1)? [The ruling elite knows that adulteration of the gene pool of the White race would bring it and America down. Mixed-blooded people are easier to control than the pure White race. Although interracial mating increased rapidly after 1960, it did not increase nearly enough. So, the ruling elite began flooding the country with non-Whites to make Whites a minority in their own country.]
    George states that some fundamental questions need to be answered before adopting a program to integrate the races. Some of these questions are:

    1) Are babies born equal in the biological sense, or are there significant differences between them before environment plays a part in molding them?
    2) What is the mechanism of biological inheritance?
    3) Is the difference between the White and Negro races primarily a “paint job” or are there differences of such fundamental nature and significance that they should be taken into consideration in deciding upon social and educational policies involving the relations of the races?
    4) Are significant differences in individuals and in races hereditary or are they produced anew in each generation by environmental influences?
    5) What should we expect to be the long range results of a program that would lead to racial amalgamation (p. 2)?   

Most of his report deals with answering these questions.
    Environmentalists “promote the idea that all babies born into the world arrive with essentially equal endowments and that subsequent differences are the result of forces outside the individual” (p. 2). [The Supreme Court based its desegregation ruling on environmentalism and rejected heredity, i.e., genetics.]
    George adds, “This question [of environment versus heredity] probably seems absurd to all parents who have reared two or more children and have had an opportunity to observe and compare them from birth” (p. 4). They know that babies are not uniform and equal in endowments when they are born. He quotes several authorities who argue that each baby is born genetically unequal and with different endowments and capacities. They differ in physiques and in biochemical and physiological peculiarities (pp, 4-7).
    Environmentalists argue “that all babies are very much alike at birth, and that the differences which become apparent as they mature are due to conditioned reflexes” (p. 4). Hereditarians argue that infants differ from all other infants and that infants are just as much individuals as are adults (p. 4). [Environmentalists maintain that environment determines a person’s intelligence, character, temperament, personality, etc. Genetic influences are insignificant. Hereditarians maintain that genetics play an important role, and often a dominant role, in determining a person’s intelligence, character, temperament, personality, etc. They do acknowledge that the environment has varying amounts of influence.]
    George quotes Dr. Gesell, a child development expert: “Every child is born with a natural which colors and structures his experiences. . . . He has constitutional traits and tendencies largely inborn, which determine how, what, and to some extent even when he will learn. These traits are both racial and familial” (p. 5). “[F]eatures of individuality begin to be recognizable long before birth” (p. 5). Again, George quotes Dr. Gesell: “Racial differences are recognizable by the fourth fetal month. . . . The musculature of the Negro fetus is more compact and coarsely bundled than that of the white fetus of similar age” (p. 5).
    George cites Dr. C.D. Darlington, a professor of botany, identifying a long list of properties that are genetically controlled and determined (p. 6).
    Next George discusses the mechanism of heredity (pp. 7-9).
    Then he proceeds to answer the question: Are there fundamental differences between the White and Negro races (pp. 10-12). Policies and programs should depend on the correct answer to this question (p. 13). [Policymakers ignore this question because the correct answer does not support their policies.]
    “Many integrationists have been persistent advocates of the dogma that there are no significant differences between races that changes in the environment will not eliminate” (p. 13). [Programs and policies adopted by the U.S. government during the last 60 years have been based on this erroneous premise. And they have been a complete failure in achieving their ostensible purpose. If their real purpose is to destroy the White race and by that bring down America and Western Civilization, they have been highly successful.]
    George quotes several authorities who refute the environmentalist premises (pp. 13-16). “Charles Darwin writes, ‘The races differ . . . in constitution, in acclimatization, and liability to certain diseases. Their mental characteristics are also very distinct (pp. 13-14).’” Dr. Mildred Trotter, an anthropologist and a professor of gross anatomy, found that “. . . bones of the Negro skeleton are denser than bones of the white skeleton. . . . Another example of the pervasive influence and expression of race is found in the fact that individuals of the White and Negro races differ in the protein components of the blood serum. This is hereditary, the mode of inheritance being a two allelic system without dominance” (p. 14).
    George quotes professor Robert Gayre, who states, “Thus the typical Negroid has, among other characters peculiar to himself, a dark skin, dark non-straight and non-wavy hair, dark eyes, a strong tendency to prognathism, thick everted lips, broad, flat and open nostrils, and generally a long skull (although there are also broad skulled Negroes as well)” (p. 16).
    Next George discusses non-morphological racial difference (pp. 16-18). He cites Dr. J.C. Carothers, who notes that Negroes are governed more by emotion than intellect, whereas Whites are governed more by intellect (p. 18).
    George discusses the results of intelligence tests (pp. 18-22). These tests “show that the mean achievement of Negro groups is considerably below the mean achievement of comparable White groups” (p. 19). He quotes Dr. Audrey Shuey’s  summary of Dr. Henry E. Garrett’s work:

    1) The I. Q.’s of American Negroes are from 15 to 20 points, on the average, below those of American whites.
    2) Negro overlap of white median I. Q.’s ranges from 10 to 25 per cent — equality would require 50 per cent.
    3) About six times as many whites as Negroes fall in the “gifted child” category.
    4) About six times as many Negroes as whites fall below 70 I. Q. — that is, in the feeble-minded group.
    5) Negro-white differences in mean test score occur in all types of mental tests, but the Negro lag is greatest in tests of an abstract nature — for example, problems involving reasoning, deduction, comprehension. These are the functions called for in education above the lowest levels.
    6) Differences between Negro and white children increased with chronological age, the gap in performance being largest at the high-school and college levels.
    7) Large and significant differences in favor of whites appear even when socioeconomic factors have been equated (pp. 19-20).

    George adds, “The claim that Negro-White differences in mental tests would be eliminated if educational and other cultural factors were equalized has little validity. On the contrary, the available evidence demonstrates the improbability that equalization of cultural factors would ever equalize average test scores” (p.20). He supports his conclusion with the testing done by Tanser in 1939 of Negroes in Kent County, Ontario. Blacks have lived here for more than a century in an integrated community with integrated schools; they have had every political and social advantage as Whites. Tanser found that the intellectual capacity of these Blacks was significantly below that of Whites. [Studies done since George wrote affirm his conclusions. Moreover, after 60 years of programs designed to make Blacks intellectually equal to Whites have done little to reduce the gap between the intelligence of Blacks and Whites.]
    George concludes his discussion on intelligence with a quote from Pitrim Sorokin, chairman of sociology at Harvard:

The environment of either the Russian peasantry before the annihilation of serfdom, or of the mediaeval serfs, or of the Roman and the Greek slaves was probably not any better, if indeed it was not worse, than the environment of the American negro before 1861 or at the present moment. Yet these slaves and serfs of the white race, in spite of their environment, yielded a considerable number of geniuses of the first degree, not to mention the eminent people of a smaller caliber. Meanwhile, excepting, perhaps, a few heavyweight champions and eminent singers, the American negroes have not up to this time produced a single genius of great caliber. These considerations and facts seem to point at the factor of heredity, without which all these phenomena cannot be accounted for (p. 22).

    Next George discusses race and crime (pp. 22-25). He admits that the environment is a major contributor to crime. However, race is also an important contributor and should not be ignored. “Records show a much higher rate among Negroes than among Caucasians. This difference seems to bear some relation to differences in personality and behavioral characteristics of the two races” (pp. 22-23). George cites W.A. Bonger, a criminologist, and FBI statistics to support his conclusions (p. 23). [The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Violence in America published by the New Century Foundation supports George’s conclusion. Also see “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen.]
    George remarks that when Negroes were scarce in the North, Northerners who came South noticed a disproportionately large number of Blacks on road gangs and in prisons. They concluded, “that the predominance of Negro prisoners was due to Southern injustice and abuse of the Negro” (p. 23). As Negroes migrated to Northern cities in large numbers, they began to fill northern jails and prisons. Then the unbiased Northerners saw a relationship between race and crime. However, diehard integrationists refused to acknowledge any such relationship (pp. 23-25).
    George then discusses the physical basis for intellectual and behavioral differences (pp. 25-35). Most of this discussion is about the differences in brain weight and structure between Blacks and Whites. The average brain weight of Blacks is less than that of Whites. On average, the frontal lobes of Blacks are smaller than those of Whites (p. 30). “‘The frontal lobes are the portion of the brain most essential to biological intelligence’” (p. 29).
    George quotes Dr. Robert Bean, an anthropologist and professor of anatomy, stating that “the Negro has the lower mental faculties (smell, sight, handicraftmanship, body sense) well developed; the Caucasian the higher (self-control, will power, ethical and esthetic senses and reason)” (p. 32). According to Dr. R.M. Yerkes, a professor of psycho-biology, “. . . the Negro, as compared with the white man of equal intelligence, is relatively strong in language, in acquaintance with verbal meanings, in perception and observation; and he is relatively weak in judgment, in ability to analyze and define exactly, and in reasoning” (p. 32).
    George cites F.W. Vint of the Medical Research Laboratory, Kenya, as stating, “The cortical measurements of the native [Negroes] show that, except in the visuo-sensory area (area 7), the lamina zonalis [a fiber layer] is in every case greater than in the European brain, whereas the measurement of the supragranular layer is smaller. . . .” (p. 33) George adds, “‘Hammarburg found that a comparatively small diminution in the development of the cortical cells was sufficient to reduce the intelligence to moderate imbecility. As the total weight of these cells is relatively so small, their moderate diminution would not reduce the brain-weight beyond a very moderate range of variation” (p. 34). “As demonstrated by Vint, they are reduced in Negroes by about 14% in the supragranular layers” (p 34).
    Next George discusses genetics, behavior, and breed differences in animals (pp. 35-45). He reviews studies on the relation of morphology to behavior traits in different breeds of dogs (pp. 36-44). These studies showed“that hybrids resulting from crossing strongly contrasting breeds often show physical and behavioral disharmonies” (p. 41). George quotes Dr. Stockard, the senior investigator of these dog studies, as stating, “The further these studies progress the more certain it becomes that along with structural qualities, the functions and behavior of individuals are the products of a definite genetic constitution interacting with a correlated chemical environment, regulated to an important degree by the endocrine glands” (p. 43). Thus, animal studies show “that qualities of mind and behavior are largely determined by heredity” (p. 36).
    He quotes Sir Julian Huxley, a biologist and often an icon of the progressives, who wrote:

The enormous phenotypic differences, in individual and social group achievement, are of course obvious. At the moment, it is socially and intellectually fashionable to minimize or even to deny such differences. This is sometimes done in the name of democracy, or because of the hypnotic effects of the ideas of the American and French revolutions concerning the equality of man, or as a misinterpretation of the Christian doctrine, or in natural reaction against the errors of racism, and of eugenics when treated as a dogma and not as an applied science (p. 35).

[Today, failure to deny racial difference is a quick road to ostracism and ruin, especially in academia, the media, and politics.]
    Next George discusses the inheritance of intelligence and behavior in man (pp. 45-58). He divides the discussion into four parts.
    First, he discusses the genetics of genius (pp. 45-49). George quotes several authorities whose observations and studies show that genius is inherited, i.e., genetic. “[A]bility is not distributed haphazardly, but it clings to certain families, as characteristic physical features do” (p. 48). Brilliance often runs in families.
    Second, George discusses the genetics of crime (pp. 49-50). “Evidence for the genetic factor in crime is presented by studies of twins” (p. 49). He cites several authorities to support the genetics of crime — the studies of twins being the most pertinent. [More recent studies support George’s argument.]
    Third, George discusses the genetics of mental abnormality (pp. 50-53). He notes that recognized genetic abnormalities exist, e.g., Down’s syndrome,  Klinefelter syndrome, infantile amaurotic idiocy (which occurs in about 1 in 50 Jews and 1 in 100 in non-Jews), and microcephaly. Schizophrenia occurs more frequently in blood relatives of schizophrenics than in the general population. He [rightly] asserts that if one accepts the correlation between these chromosomal and genetic irregularities, he must, if he is consistent, accept the notion that genetics is important in the origin of the human psyche (p. 50).
    He quotes Goodman and Herndon, who are geneticists:

Genetic factors play a role in the causation of many types of mental retardation and are contributory to many others. . . . Few persons would possess genes leading to the development of either high or low intelligence exclusively, and most would have about the average number. Parents who are mentally retarded have a higher proportion of genes for lower intelligence than do normal parents. Hence a higher proportion of the children of retarded parents are expected and observed to be retarded (pp. 51-52).

    George concludes, “When one sees at one end of the scale that genius runs in families and at the other end of the scale that microcephaly and amaurotic idiocy run in families, and remembers that crime does also, one can hardly avoid the conclusion that heredity is an important factor in determining the character of a population” (pp. 52-53). He adds:

While it is true that cultural factors influence men and do not influence animals, at least not to the same degree, it is likewise clear that cultures themselves are in part the products of differing genes. Population groups have the capacity for “adopting cultural patterns,” as equalitarian social and cultural agents express it, but in certain cases the adoption is parasitic and degenerative and without the capacity either to build or to sustain (p. 59, fn 82).

    Fourth, George discusses other witnesses to the hereditary basis for intelligence and behavior (pp. 53-56). He cites several authorities who refuted the assertion of integrationists and other egalitarians who claim “that no scientists hold the view that men are born with different hereditary talents” (p. 53).
    He quotes Fuller and Thompson’s book, Behavior Genetics: “In summary, it may be said that the data gathered with human subjects point to heredity as an important determiner of the intellectual level though certainly not the only one” (p. 34).
        He quotes R. Ruggles Gates, a professor of botany:

All those who have any respect for the facts, will agree that men differ in their mentality at least as widely as in their physique. . . . Those who study dispassionately the inheritance of mental differences, normal or pathologic, must conclude, I believe, that those differences are inherited in the same way as are physical (bodily) differences (p. 54).

    George quotes Carl Stern, a professor of genetics:

Men are born genetically unequal. This is a fact of nature, and quite independent of the conclusions which may result from its political and sociological interpretations. . . . If men are unequal genetically, then our actions and inactions are bound to influence the genetic composition of the future human populations (p. 54).

    Besides the above, George also quotes Dr. J.V.  Neel, professor of human genetics; Dr. James F. Bonner, professor of biology; Dr. Hermann J. Muller, Nobel prize-winning professor of genetics; and Dr. Arnold Gesell to support the notion that intelligence is not independent of genetics. [Today, if any professor states what these professors stated in an era of free speech, academic freedom, and non-politicized science, he would lose his job.]
    George concludes, “It is very unlikely, indeed, if any geneticist, speaking as a geneticist, would deny that genetics plays a major role in the determination of intelligence, personality, and behavior” (p. 56). He adds, “When the justices of the Supreme Court embraced the error of Myrdal without critical examination, they contributed to their own deception and deprived the people of the United States of their right to a firm foundation of truth for anything that purports to be the law of the land” (p 56). [Myrdal claimed that psychic traits, personality traits, and intelligence are not genetic; they develop through experience. He was a proponent of the Boas’ dogma.]
    Then George proceeds to answer the question: Are racial differences hereditary (pp. 57-64)? He concludes that they are. To support his conclusion, he  quotes Dr. David Rife, professor of genetics:

Sheer logic tells us that if individuals differ genetically with respect to intelligence, populations also must differ in this same respect. . . . [A] recognition of the biological basis of human differences can be an invaluable asset. All men are “brothers” but as any parent of two or more children will testify, brothers may differ greatly from one to another. Furthermore, many of these differences are more than skin deep, and go literally to the bone (p. 58).

    George adds:

As pointed out by Gesell, racial differences are determined in part by differences in the racial pools of genes and in part by differences in environment. The genes react with the substance of the body and the body reacts with the environment in accordance with the nature of the genes. Many genes in Negroes and Whites are common to both races, to all races of men. Many of the genes common to both races are unequally distributed in the two races. Many other genes, and the traits that result from them, are characteristic of one race or the other. The genetic behavior of some of these exclusive, or virtually exclusive, genes for one race, like the gene for the sickle-cell trait in the Negro, has been demonstrated (pp. 59-60).

[To repeat myself, studies done after George wrote this report add more support to his argument and conclusion.]
    Next George discusses the origin of racial differences (pp. 60-64). Primarily, he follows the theory of Carleton Coon, president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists. Coon argues that the modern races of humans began appearing at least 360,000 years ago in Homo erectus, and the Negro race is a relatively young race, which appeared about 200,000 years after the White race (p. 63). [For a polygenetic creationist view of the origin of the races of humans, see Adam to Abraham: The Early History of Man and Species of Men: A Polygenetic Hypothesis both by Thomas Coley Allen.]
    Then George asks, Should we promote racial amalgamation (pp. 64-75)? To begin answering this question, he asks:

Since individual differences in structure, intelligence and behavior are in large measure genetic in origin and therefore transmissible from generation to generation, and since racial differences are due to differences in the pool of genes of the races, what should be our attitude towards the promotion of programs that would bring about protoplasmic mixing of the White and Negro races in this country (p. 64)?

    “[T]o answer that question by reassertion of the dogma of equality [or] with vague words about morality and social justice and brotherhood” (p. 64) as the integrationists and egalitarians do is insufficient. The facts need to be examined along with the anticipated consequences of the proposed action. The answer to this question should be based on knowledge and thoughtfulness rather than on emotional judgment. [The answer of integrationists and other egalitarians is based on emotional judgment. They give little weight to scientific facts probably because scientific facts do not support their predetermined conclusion, i.e., their prejudices.]
    In answering this question, George looks at the historical facts. The White race led the Agricultural Revolution and the Scientific Revolution followed closely by the Mongoloids (p. 65). The historical record of the Negro race is void of any important achievements (pp. 65-66). “In defense of this record and of Negro racial characteristics generally, two major arguments have been advanced: The ‘historical accident’ explanation and the ‘hot climate’ explanation. We will examine each of these in turn” (p. 66). Then, George explains the flaws of these two theories.
    The historical accident explanation fails for two reasons. First, “[i]t is not in accord with early history. The fact is that trans-Saharan Africans have been in contact with other peoples since the dawn of history through the migration of Negroes into Egypt and Ethiopia and through the explorations and commercial expeditions of Egyptians, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Asiatics into Africa" (p. 67).
    Second, “[i]t is not in accord with recent history. The Negro race in recent times has shown a resistance to creative urges from civilized contacts” (p. 67). The second is evident in the [then] segregated South where rural poor and inhabitants of city slums were predominately Black and the integrated North where the inhabitants of city slums were predominately Black. [Even today with forced integration of America with special Black privileges, Blacks are still the preponderant inhabitants of poor rural areas and city slums.]
    Also, George uses Haiti and northeastern Brazil as evidence that the historical accident explanation is false. Blacks have governed Haiti for more than a century, and it is “a national slum” (p. 68). [Sub-Saharan Africa is another example. As the White imperial powers withdrew from Africa the living standard of the common Black declined while that of the ruling elite and their favorites skyrocketed. Many countries collapsed back into barbarism. Most prosperity in Africa today results from the actions of Whites and East Asians.]
    The hot climate explanation also fails. Under this explanation, hot steaming jungles of the tropics caused the African Negro backwardness. However, other races have developed advanced civilizations in similar environments, e.g., the Mayans in the tropical rain forests of Central America. Moreover, Africa is not all desert and jungle. Much of Africa is a high plateau that rises above the hot, humid coastal areas and river valleys (pp 68-70).
    However, climate may affect a population. Some argue that regarding intelligence and behavior:

where food is available for the gathering, and where foresight and protection from the rigors of winter are unnecessary, nature has not been effective in eliminating the improvident and the lazy or in selectively perpetuating the more intelligent, the foresighted and the industrious. In consequence, as generations have come and gone, there has been less selection than in more severe environments of a population with those qualities of mind and character which overcome hostile or unfavorable conditions of nature, terminating in civilized society (p 70).

[Thus, climate may have dulled the intellect of the Negro and may have sharpened the intellect of other races.]
    Next George discusses heredity versus environment in Negro history (pp. 71-75). About 1860, Francis Galton observed, “The Negro now born in the United States has much the same natural faculties as his distant cousin who is born in Africa; the effect of his transplantation being ineffective in changing his nature, but very effective in increasing his numbers” (p. 71). George adds, “After another hundred years that statement is still true in spite of some appearances of progress. Although Negro colleges and universities have been built, they have been built almost wholly with the white man’s money and the white man’s brains” (p. 71).
    With several examples, George shows that genetics makes the race and not the environment. First, he contrasts the United States with Brazil. According to George F. Carter, a professor of geography, Brazil has twice as much potentially useful land than does the United States, which have a mediocre environment at best. Carter states, “The difference is ideas — their spread, the acceptance or rejection of them” (p. 72). To which George adds, “The biologist might add that the primary difference is in the presence or absence in the population of the pool of genes necessary to produce the minds and the personalities that will find and make use of the ideas” (p. 72). [Moreover, Brazil has had a racially integrated society since slavery ended.]
    Next George compares the United States and Canada with Latin America. He writes:

    When the United States and Canada were being settled by people from western Europe, the settlers came to establish new homes, and they brought their women with them. They established homes and raised families and gave rise to succeeding generations of relatively homogenous people of English and European stock. They created a civilization of essentially European type because they had the pool of genes of European people as well as European memories and contacts.
     So far as Brazil is concerned, and much of Central and South America, the invading Europeans were not colonizers intent on establishing new homes in a new country; they were largely conquerors and adventurers. They did not generally bring their women, their families with them. They satisfied their sexual urges by interbreeding with the native Indian women and later on with Negro women too, after the introduction of Negro slaves. In consequence, they did not give rise to succeeding generations of homogeneous European stock such as that found in North America. The[y] produced a population composed of whites, Indians, Negroes, mestizos and mulattoes. Such is the contemporary "underprivileged" population of these underdeveloped, poor countries that look to the United States to raise their standards of living (p. 72-73).

    He quotes Dr. George E. Mowry, a professor of American history. In 1947, Mowry estimated the population of Latin America to be about 25 million Whites, 38 million mestizos, 17 million Indians, 25 million mulattoes, and 14 million Negroes. Most of the Whites lived in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, southern Brazil, and Costa Rica (p. 73). George concludes:

The facts of history in these countries virtually force us to the conclusion that the ability to develop a high culture is conditioned by the genetic endowment of a population group. Also, the facts of history throughout the world provide no justification for any faith that a mulatto population would advance our civilization in this country or would even maintain it. Experience has shown that Negroid peoples have the desire to utilize the products of a high culture but they seem not to possess the combination of human qualities necessary to originate them. Nowhere in the world have they demonstrated that they have the creative capacities (the intelligence, the industry, the drive, and the persistence) to make a civilization; nor is there an advanced civilization in any area where there has been a high degree of absorption of Negro genes into a white population (p. 73-74).

[So far, integrationists and egalitarians have not refuted George’s conclusions. When they cannot ignore them, they resort to emotional platitudes, meaningless or misleading phrases, name-smearing tactics, threats, or violence because they cannot refute them intellectually with knowledge and facts.]
    On the importance of maintaining the race, George quotes Dr. James G. Needham, a professor of entomology, stating, “The road to social deterioration runs by way of continued breeding from inferior stock. . . .  Devastated cities may be rebuilt again by renewed labor and lost fortunes may be reestablished. . . .  But the powers of mind and character eliminated by bad breeding may hardly be restored” (p. 74).
    Next George offers recommendations for social justice and national greatness (pp. 75-78). They are:

    1) Avoid those actions and programs that seem destined to bring about deterioration in the quality of our genetic pool. More specifically, it means the avoidance of any compulsory programs that would tend to bring about the mating of well-endowed, potentially creative people with poorly endowed, uncreative people. [Avoid integration, especially forced integration, especially the forced integration of children.]
    2) Adopt programs that have good promise of raising the quality of our pool of genes and so increasing the number of able and wise people in our population, since the production of the maximum number of able and wise men seems the surest way to national greatness.
    3) Insofar as our knowledge, wisdom, and resources permit, improve the quality of our environment so as to permit and stimulate the fruition of all our good genetic potentialities in order to further increase the chances for the production of wise leaders and able people at all levels. In engineering this good environment, it is desirable for the social planners and politicians to remember that it is apparently more difficult to tell what is a good environment than it is to tell what is good heredity.
    4) White people should assist Negroes in providing as good an environment for their children as they are capable of creating; but for the federal government to compel White parents to send their children to school in as bad an environment as Negroes can and do create is neither social justice nor wise national policy (pp 75-77).

    To his recommendation, George adds advice given by Dr. Charles Snyder, a professor of experimental physiology, who stated:

All history teaches us that stable representative democracies heretofore have been the rarest form of government and have been maintained only by very small segments of the earth’s total populations at any one time. . . . Therefore a people who are able to initiate, organize and maintain continually for a century or more a thorough-going representative government, and have been able to do so by virtue of their peculiar hereditary qualities (no matter what other unwonted or disadvantageous inborn qualities they may have), should never promote, and above all never legalize social integration with people who have never demonstrated such inborn capacities (p. 77, fn 112).

    Also, George notes:

Contrary to the allegations of many integrationists there is no intention upon the part of the majority of Southerners to “hold the superior Negro back” except in those areas of social integration that may lead to intermarriage. The able Negro still has every other area in which to exercise his business or intellectual ability among Whites, as well as the entire field of service to his own race. If this does not satisfy him, then there is a question as to whether he honestly wants legitimate “opportunity” or actually wants racial amalgamation (p. 78, fn 113).

[Marriage statistics support the notion that many Blacks wanted amalgamation. In 1960, 1.69 percent of Black marriages were interracial. In 2010, 14 percent of Black marriages were interracial.
    The primary objective of the civil rights movement and concomitant programs has not been to raise the Black man but to bring down the White man. The primary objective of integration is to make interracial breeding acceptable. Its objective is to destroy the races.]
    George concludes with a discussion of Franz Boas (pp. 78-87). Boas is the father [if I may use such a politically incorrect term] of the dogma that asserts “the absence of important and innate racial differences” (p. 78). [This is the dogma that the federal courts have relied on in their “civil rights” related rulings. Most of George’s report is directed at refuting and disproving Boas’ dogma.] He explains how Boas’ dogma has become so widely accepted. It prevails because “1) The scientific evidence has failed to reach the public mind. 2) Error, presented as scientific truth and intermingled with scientific truth, has flooded the public mind” (pp. 78-79). [He fails to mention that the ruling elite supports and promotes the Boas’ dogma primarily through its foundations.]
    According to Boas, one of his objectives was breeding the American Negro out of existence [that is, genocide]. “In 1921 he wrote, ‘It would seem that man being what he is, the Negro problem will not disappear in America until the Negro blood has been so diluted that it will no longer be recognized. . . .’ Therefore, the program of mixing children of all races in schools and playgrounds was devised as a means of bringing about interracial mixing of blood” (p. 82).
    [In summary, George was correct. Genetic studies and other related studies done since he wrote support his arguments. Unfortunately, George and hereditarianism have been ignored in setting race-related policies. Regardless of what science shows, the ruling elite is determined to integrate the races of the masses to destroy them so that it can more easily control what remains. If the real objective is to uplift the Black man, then both Blacks and Whites have to acknowledge the true nature of Blacks and their natural limitations. The Black man can never be uplifted by bringing down the White man, which is the current approach.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement -- Part 2

The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement

Thomas Allen

The leading Negro organizations were founded, organized, and controlled by Communists and communist sympathizers. These organizations included the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Highlander Folk School (HFS), National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), National Negro Congress (NNC), National Urban League (NUL), Revolution Action Movement (RAM), Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and Student Nonviolence Coordinating Committee (SNCC)

In 1946, the NNC, International Labor Defense (the legal arm of the Communist party), and the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties (all three were communist fronts) merged to form the CRC. Representing NNC was its president Max Yergan, a Communist. Vito Marcantonto, president of ILD and a member of many communist fronts, represented ILD. Milton Kemnitz, executive secretary of NFCL, represented NFCL. “In 1957, the Subversive Activities Control Board said that the merger ‘was created and established by the Communist Party as an organization which would utilize defense of civil rights for Party purposes and raise and maintain mass defense and bail funds for Party use. . . . [The Civil Rights Congress’] major activity became the defense of Party leaders, and the Party continued to assign functionaries and members as officers of or to work in the Civil Rights Congress to insure that the CRC would operate in accordance with the Party program. . . .’” In short, the CRC is a communist front.

In 1942 James Farmer and George Houser formed CORE. Rustin was the field secretary of CORE during the 1940s. King was a member of CORE’s national advisory committee. King’s SCLC and CORE collaborated on the southern campaigns. CORE promoted violence while SCLC offered a nonviolent solution. The message was “give King what he demanded or Farmer’s CORE will attack you.” That is, “save yourself from CORE’s violence by acceding to King’s demands.” With this tactic, the civil rights movement advanced.

As national director of CORE, McKissick stated, “CORE has many friends. Some might be Black Muslims or the Communists.” In 1965 CORE allied with the Black Muslims.

CORE’s basic tactic was to take over a person’s property and then force that person to either divide the property with CORE members or forcibly remove CORE members from the property. If the property owner chose the latter, he was castigated for doing a great moral wrong. Farmer, CORE’s national director, declared “CORE is the hard-cutting edge of the civil right movement. We’re much more militant than Malcolm X — we’re activists.” Known Communists were highly active in CORE and its demonstrations.

About CORE, Gannon writes, “Despite CORE’s leaders’ constant prattling about nonviolence, CORE demonstrations were fraught with violence. This was not an unusual development because the same situation held true for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Martin L. King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the two organizations which were the main collaborators in CORE's demonstrations.”

HFS was a communist front that Myles Horton established with the assistance of Don West. West was the district director of the Communist Party of North Carolina. The purpose of HFS was to train religious leaders and others to subvert churches and labor unions to get them to support communist causes like the civil rights movement.

The NAACP was founded in 1909 to facilitate race wars in the United States and to bring down the white people. Behind organizing the NAACP was Jacob Schiff, head of Kuhn, Loeb and Co., head of the Russian Section of the Jewish International World Government, and a financier of the Bolshevik Revolution through Trotsky. W.E.B. DuBois and seven whites constituted its initial governing body. Most of the early members were white radicals, socialists, and Communists. Throughout its history, the NAACP has maintained close ties with Communists. In 1958 more than 61 percent of the top leaders of the NAACP were involved with communistenterprises. Since the founding of the NAACP, radicals have used it to advance their social and other statist agendas.

In 1923 Communists began financing the NAACP through the Garland Fund, which Communists ran, and continued to do so until at least 1934. A few years later Communists began taking control of the NAACP. By the late 1930s, the NAACP had become associated with communist organizations and fronts, such as the National Negro Congress, World Youth Congress, and American Youth for a Free World. In 1941 it cooperated with the Communist party in establishing Progress Citizens of America. The Communist Party endorsed the NAACP in 1953 and encouraged its members to support the NAACP’s campaigns. Another endorsement was given in 1957. The permanent attorneys associated with the NAACP were affiliated with communist fronts and projects.

Before 1960 the NAACP had focused on legal and educational programs. Then it followed SCLC and CORE and adopted an activist program. It became involved in “peace” marches, boycotts, picket lines at stores, and sit-ins.

Robert Thompson, a Communist, wrote the following about the NAACP in Political Affairs: “The emergence of a powerful left, anti-imperialist, anti-fascist current among the Negro people is unmistakable and is clearly discernible in the NAACP.”

About the NAACP, Manning Johnson declared, “National Association for the Advancement of Colored People set up the situation that erupted into racial violence at Little Rock . . . the main danger and handicap to the Negro is not the southern school, but the persecution and hate complex the NAACP and the Reds are trying to create.”

Gannon writes about the NAACP:

From its inception to the present, no matter the protestations of Langston Hughes or any other NAACP apologist, the organization’s officials and its known members, collectively and individually, have represented the influential left, the leadership of Communist fronts and leftwing political and pacifist groups, and the most effective of the anti-anti-Communist establishment. The NAACP has two seemingly contradictory objectives. One is to foment racial tensions, which intensifies barriers between Negroes and other races, especially whites. The other is to bring down barriers that separate Negroes from other races, especially whites. These two objectives are not really contradictory. Both use the Negro as a weapon to destroy the white people and the United States, which are the ultimate goals of the NAACP and kindred organization.

In 1947 The NNC merged with the CRC. James W. Ford, a Communist and a vice president of the League of Strength for Negro Rights (a communist organization), and the Negro Commission of the Communist Party established the NNC in 1935. Another organizer was Ralph Bunche. Communists who were active in the NCC were James W. Ford, Benjamin Davis Jr. (secretary of the NCC), Louise Thompson (member of the Communist Party’s central committee), and Louise E. Strong.

“In 1942, Attorney General Francis Biddle reported: ‘The National Negro Congress, throughout its existence, has closely followed the Communist Party line, espousing causes and adopting issues sponsored by the Party, and with regard thereto, has sought to affiliate itself and form “united fronts” with other organizations. It has characterized all legislation deemed a threat to the civil liberties of Communists or any alien or minority group as “repressive and fascist.” . . .’” Under Whitney Young’s leadership, NUL threatened the United States government into funding a social revolution to prevent an armed revolt. Actually, the ruling elite wanted to increase spending on social programs. Social programs make people dependent on the government, which the ruling elite control. Thus, social programs facilitated their control of the masses.

RAM’s “avowed goal was the violent overthrow of the United States Government.” Its leaders openly aligned themselves with the Vietcong. It sought to infiltrate and subvert other Negro organizations. About RAM, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover stated, “[RAM is] a highly militant, secretive organization following the Chinese oriented Marxist-Leninist line and believes in replacing the capitalistic system with socialism.”

King, Shuttlesworth, and Rustin founded SCLC in 1957. Among the guests at the SCLC organizational meeting were Ella J. Baker (spiritual mother of SNCC) and Charles Hayes (a Communist and district director of United Packinghouse Works of America).

Levison provided financial, organizational, and public relations services for King and SCLC and was responsible for much of SCLC’s finances. In 1956, Rustin introduced King to Levison, a Communist. Afterwards, Levison and King became close friends. Besides his other services to King, Levison wrote speeches for King.

SCLC collaborated with HFS to train Negro leaders in the civil rights movement.

The Louisiana Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities found that SCLC was “substantially under the control of the Communist Party through the influence of the Southern Conference Education Fund and the Communists who manage it.” King and SCLC were closely associated with Dombrowski and other Communists.

SCEF was a communist front used to promote Communism and communist goals to Southern Negroes. SCEF appeared soon after the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) disbanded in 1947. The Communist Party established SCHW in 1938. Carl Braden, a member of the Communist party was the field director of the SCHW and later executive director and information director. His wife, Anne Braden, who was also a member of the Communist party, was the editor of the Southern Patriot, which SCHW published and which the SCEF continued to publish. Law partners Benjamin E. Smith and Bruce Waltzer were part of the overall management of SCEF. Both were indicted under the Louisiana Subversive Activities and Communist Control Act. Benjamin Smith was its treasurer. William H. Melish, a Communist, was the Eastern Representative of SCEF.

Aubrey Williams, a member of the Communist party, was the president of SCEF until 1963, and then he became president emeritus. Under President Roosevelt, Williams was director of the National Youth Administration, which made him Lyndon Johnson’s boss. Dombrowski, former executive director of SCHW and a member of the Communist Party, was the executive director of SCEF.

SCEF was the financial backbone of the civil rights movement and the Negro Revolution and many communist fronts. Without the financial aid of SCEF, SNCC would have collapsed.

In 1960 King founded SNCC (pronounced “snick”) to manage sit-ins. After the founding of SNCC, sit-ins and related demonstrations became commonplace throughout the South. SNCC soon gained the support of the U.S. National Student Association (which the CIA funded), the U.S. Department of Justice, NAACP, CORE, and SCLC.

Besides sit-ins, SNCC conducted “freedom rides” and “freedom schools.” Although it claimed to be nonviolent, SNCC used violence and the threat of violence to achieve its goals.

Like nearly all civil rights organizations, SNCC was closely associated with Communists. “Liberal columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak commented: ‘ . . . There is no doubt that SNCC is substantially infiltrated by beatnicks, left wing revolutionaries and worst of all — by Communists.’” It used mailing labels of the communist National Guardian.

SNCC received funds from SCEF and Dombrowski. Jack Rogers, counsel of the Louisiana Joint Legislative Committee on Un-American Activities, noted:

Without the help and backing of the Communist-led Southern Conference Educational Fund, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee would collapse overnight. However it originally started, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee is certainly now under the complete control of the Southern Conference Educational Fund through both money and leadership. . . .

The Committee finds that the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee are substantially under the control of the Communist Party through the influence of Southern Conference Educational Fund and the Communists who manage it.

In 1966 Carmichael became the chairman of SNCC, and SNCC abandoned the pretense of working for integration through nonviolence. Under Carmichael, SNCC pushed Black Power. SNCC formerly merged with the Black Panthers in 1968 for a few months after which SNCC expelled Carmichael and ended its merger with the Black Panthers. However, Carmichael left SNCC its rallying cry: “To hell with America . . . [which is] racist from top to bottom, from left to right.” What is left unsaid is that the racists are black and not the cowered whites.

Many more communist organizations have been involved in the civil rights movement. The ones discussed above are a few of the most important ones.

The Communists approached the civil rights movement with a two-pronged attack. They gave white America a choice to be destroyed by black violence or to be destroyed by black integration. Consequently, Malcolm X preached violence while King was presented as the symbol of nonviolence. If America did not give King what he demanded, it would have to answer to Malcolm X. Only King could save America from the violence of Malcolm X. Yet King seemed to leave a wake of Negro riots wherever he went. (King wrote that the purpose of his demonstrations was to provoke violence.)

Carmichael exposed the myth of “nonviolence” in the civil rights movement. During an interview in 1966, he declared:

This nonviolence bit is just a philanthropic handout. I don’t see why people keep thinking about that. The violence is inevitable. I don’t try to stop the fight. I try to prepare the people I am organizing so that when the right time comes they will be able to win it. Our country does not run on reason; it is run on violence. That’s the reality of how things are done here. It is to my benefit to get the Negro out on the streets to stop the machine which is keeping me from my rights. Whether they do it by marching, singing, dancing or fighting is irrelevant. Communists have been at the center of Negro riots. Former Communist Philip Abbot Luce stated, “All of us, as good Communists, were responsible for some work in the riots and each of us longed for the possibility that Harlem would herald the beginning of a nationwide guerilla war.”

Although many leaders of the civil rights movement are Communists, most members are not. The purpose of civil rights organizations is to get noncommunists to support the communist agenda of bringing the United States and the white race down via the Negro Revolution. (The Negro Revolution is one of several approaches being used to destroy the United States and the white race. Others include feminism and the homosexual movement. The same arguments are used in all three movements.) These noncommunist members, many of whom are naive or idealists, conceal the true masters controlling the civil rights movement: Communists and their lords, the ruling elite.

The communist influence is seen when the leaders talk about poor and working-class whites uniting with oppressed blacks to overthrow capitalism, which according to them is the cause of racism. Also, during their riots, Negroes often destroy many black businesses. Like Communists, civil rights organizations promote the welfare state and socialism. Consequently, they want to reduce blacks, whites, and everyone else besides the ruling elite to wards and slaves of the state. So much for freeing the Negro.

In essence, black leaders claim that, unlike people of other races, Negroes are too inferior to stand on their own. They need special privileges and handouts. If they do not believe that Negroes are inferior, then they reveal that they are more interested in promoting socialism than the welfare of Negroes.

One reason that Communists oppose segregation is that it causes the development of a Negro bourgeoisie. Pepper (Pogany) rightly blamed segregation for “. . . a rapid development of a Negro petit-bourgeoisie, a Negro intelligentsia and even a Negro bourgeoisie. The very fact of segregation of the Negro masses creates the basis for the development of a stratum of small merchants, lawyers, physicians, preachers, brokers, who try to attract the Negro workers and farmers as consumers. . . .” The Communists wanted to replace this independence and prosperity of the Negro people with hatred toward whites and dependence on the government — and they have succeeded remarkably well.

Furthermore, because the ruling elite feeds on crisis and turmoil, segregation was turned into a great social crisis. This crisis has been one of the most artificial crises ever created in the United States. Elitists, primarily through Communists, instigated it to add racial hatred to class hatred. Integration also serves the purpose of hastening the death of the white people as it destroys them with artificial guilt and helps breed them out of existence.

The Carnegie Foundation and the Ford Foundation have been important financial sources for the Negro Revolution and its civil rights movement. Carnegie foundations financed Whitney Young, a racial extortionist, and the National Urban League. Young and NUL also received funding from the Ford Foundation.

Besides NUL, CORE, SCLC, and NAACP received funds from the Ford Foundation. The Ford Foundation also funded Milton A. Galamision, LeRoi Jones, and Floyd B. McKissick.

Carnegie’s money also paid for Gunnar Myrdal’s study that purported proved that segregation caused all the problems of the Negro. If it were not for segregation, the Negro would be the white’s intellectual, economic, and social equal. Myrdal held that liberty must be sacrificed for the sake of social equality. He was a Communist who considered the U.S. Constitution to be a plot against the common people. Aiding him in his study were 16 people associated with communist fronts. At least four of them (Ralph J. Bunche, Doxy A. Wilkerson, Bernard J. Stern, and James E. Jackson) were Communists. The United States Supreme Court relied on Myrdal’s study to reject the U.S. Constitution and to impose integration. Stang described this study and its use by the Supreme Court as “the Communist weapon forged by these totalitarians for the purpose — as one of the main justifications for ordering the forced amalgamation of the races in the schools. And that decision leads straight to the forced bussing of today. In other words, forced bussing is nothing but a tactic in a long-range Communist strategy.” The purpose of this strategy is to subvert covertly the government of the United States into a dictatorship. To achieve this goal, the family must be destroyed. This destruction is the purpose of forced integration. Not only did the ruling elite use the financial might of their foundations to foment the Negro Revolution, they also used the money and power of the U. S. government. President Johnson’s civil rights law and War on Poverty were merely weapons that the ruling elite used through the Negro Revolution to destroy the constitutional government of the United States and the white people.

One ostensible object of the War on Poverty was to eliminate slums that agitators exploited to get Negroes to riot. Yet Communists and other agitators were hired to administer the War on Poverty. Actually, the real purpose of the War on Poverty was to create turmoil. (Before the riots of 1967 broke out, Sargent Shriver, director of the United States Office of Economic Opportunity, knew that the United Community Corp., an agency of the Office of Economic Opportunity, was organizing the riots.) President Johnson used the 1967 riots as an excuse for the expansion of his War on Poverty. Negro riots served the purpose of expanding the size, power, and intrusiveness of the U.S. government.

Black revolutionists gave the ruling elite an excuse to carry out compulsory racial integration in the United States. The organization of racial integration was assigned to Ronald Lippert of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and the American Jewish Congress. His program called for the destruction of the individual’s personal identity and his racial heritage — especially the destruction of white racial identity. The National Education Association was employed to execute this program. Controlling the National Education Association was the Stanford Research Institute. Controlling the Stanford Research Institute was the Tavistock Institute. The Tavistock Institute specialized in developing, teaching, and employing mind control and brainwashing techniques.

Some Negro leaders, such as former Communists Helen Wood Birnie and Manning Johnson, had the intelligence and courage to oppose the evils of the civil rights movement. They realized that the ruling elite was using Negroes to advance their communistic, illuministic New World Order. Manning summed up school integration:

. . . the whole issue boils down to taking Negro children out of one school and transferring them to another so that they can be seated with white children on the assumption that only in this way will the Negro child get an education. What really is being implied is that the 113,000 Negro teachers in Southern schools are inferior, incompetent and unable to properly teach the children of their own race . . . it is a question of the liquidation of the Negro school and the Negro teacher under the guise of integration.

These Negro leaders were ignored or smeared with vile epitaphs. (Probably many Negro leaders, such as King and DuBois, who had sold their souls to the ruling elite, were aware of these evils and that their people were merely tools used to advance the illuministic New World Order.)

To show Americans, especially Southerners, that the resistance to the U.S. government and its despotic edicts was futile, President Eisenhower federalized the Arkansas National Guard and used it to invade Little Rock in 1957. Later, President Kennedy federalized the Mississippi National Guard in 1962 and used it to invade Mississippi. Thus, the ruling elite used these national guards against their own States.

Moreover, black organizations allied with communist fronts and liberal organizations have been highly successful in destroying Southern culture. Singing “Dixie” and displaying the Confederate battle flag have been banned. Statues honoring Confederate soldiers and heroes have been torn down. Streets and public buildings bearing the name of Confederate soldiers and nineteenth century. Southern political leaders have been renamed. In the name of tolerance, the South is drowning in a sea of intolerance.

Communists supported the Civil Rights Act of 1964. They correctly saw the law as greatly increasing the power of the U.S. government and the President over the people. Communist Benjamin Davis declared, “Communists believe the achievement of this program [legislation, etc.] will lay an indispensable basis not only for the further social progress of the country, but for its socialist and communist future.”

Lloyd Wright and John C. Satterfield, both past presidents of the American Bar Association, stated about the Civil Rights Act:

It is 10% civil rights and 90% extension of Federal executive power. If this legislation becomes law and is upheld by the Courts—

–It will, in fact, extend Federal control over business, industry and over individuals (with a corresponding destruction of State power) in a degree that exceeds the total of such extensions of power by all judicial decisions and all Congressional actions since the Constitution of the United States was adopted.

–It will, in fact, destroy the Constitutional checks and balances between the Federal Government and the States; and

–It will, in fact, destroy the Constitutional checks and balances between the Executive branch of the Government and the Legislative and Judicial branches.

—The “civil rights” aspect of this Legislation is but a cloak; uncontrolled Federal Executive power is the body.

Wright and Satterfield continue:

This legislation assumes a totally powerful National Government with unending authority to intervene in all private affairs among men, and to control and adjust property relationships, in accordance with the judgment of Government personnel.

It is impossible to prevent Federal intervention from becoming an institutionalization of special privilege for political pressure groups.

They conclude, “This must lead eventually, not to greater human freedom, but to an ever-diminishing freedom.”

Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 expressly prohibited forced busing, federal judges soon replaced the clear language of the law with the communist agenda of forced busing for racial purposes. Thus, they replaced the “rule of law” with the “rule of man.” Congress did nothing and has done nothing to stop these illegal acts of federal judges. Forced busing has nothing to do with quality education for Negroes. It has everything to do with forcing integration.

To show the result of the civil rights law, Alan Stang comments on a barber prosecuted under the civil rights law of Illinois for refusing to cut the hair of two Negroes:

So in the United States of America — the land of the free — man can be sent to jail for six months, for refusing to cut somebody’s hair.

According to the Rev. Dr. King, what we have to worry about is slavery. It was slavery that made the problem. And is the “vestiges” of slavery that keep the problem alive. It’s slavery that we have to get away from.

What is slavery?

A slave is officially defined as: “One whose person and services are under the control of another as owner or master.” The point on the Old Plantation, according to Dr. King, was that some men’s services were under the control of other men as masters.

And according to Dr. King this was wrong. It was slavery.

But according to Dr. King it’s perfectly all right for the services of a man in Illinois to be under the control of another man as master. It’s perfectly fine that a man can be sent to jail for six months for refusing to cut another man’s hair. That’s wonderful, that’s okay.

That isn’t slavery.

It’s civil rights.

Yet the whole point to slavery, isn’t it, is that a slave can’t quit. Negro slaves couldn’t quit the Old Plantation — and Mr. Rehm apparently can’t quit in Illinois.

The civil rights movement along with forced integration has made race relations worse. It has heightened racial identity and consciousness among nonwhites and has done nothing to reduce racial stereotypes. It has increased intolerance. In the name of tolerance, the leaders of the civil rights movement have been highly intolerant. Conflicts have been elevated between Negroes and Latinos, Negroes and Somalis, Latinos and East Asians, and other racial and ethnic groups. (When left free to choose, most people prefer segregation to integration. They prefer being among others who are like them.) Integration has even created conflict between groups that historically never had conflict with each other until they came to the multiracial, multicultural United States. Communists and other statists feed on conflict as it fertilizes their power. That is why the ruling elite brought the civil rights movement to the United States and has pushed the multiracial, multicultural, open borders, “diversity is strength,” agenda. It destroys liberty and the white race while making the ruling elite all-powerful.

The whole civil rights movement is a hoax. Its purpose is not to grant Negroes “equal rights” per se. Its purpose is to enslave whites. The common excuse for Negro crime and Negro riots is that Negroes are rebelling against white oppression. Whites have denied Negroes their “rights.” Well, Negroes have not only been granted “equal rights,” they have been given superior rights. They have become the new aristocracy, a privileged class. Yet Negro crime grows, and the riots still occurred. However, whites have surrendered enormous freedoms in the name of “equal rights.” The more “equal rights” Negroes have acquired, the more socialistic (fascistic) the United States have become. The more “equal rights” Negroes acquire, the more political power is concentrated in the U.S. government and in the President — and fewer real rights anyone, black or white, has. As Pat Buchanan remarks, “Civil rights has become a racket.”

If whites are as vile and evil as proponents of the civil rights movement contend, why would blacks want to integrate with such hideous people? This is one of the great mysteries of the civil rights movement. That blacks want to integrate with such despicable cowards speaks volumes about blacks — and it is not complimentary. The answer to this mystery must be that blacks do not want to associate with whites. They want the wealth, property, and power that they perceive whites as having. At least they have achieved their goal of power over whites.

In the end, the civil rights movement and Negro Revolution do not benefit the Negro. They were never intended to benefit the Negro. They were intended to enslave everyone under the ruling elite. To see the future of the Negro in what is becoming a Latino-controlled America, one needs only to look at California, especially Los Angeles.

The Civil Rights Act reduced the States, especially the Southern States, to little more than administrative districts of the U.S. government. It has given the President almost absolute control over every business in the country, public education, housing, and the media. In the name of eradicating the vestiges of slavery, the Civil Rights Act has reduced all to slavery. According to King, slavery placed men’s services under the control of other men as masters, which is exactly what the Civil Rights Act that he supported has done. Furthermore, whites have been cowered into allowing their race and culture to be destroyed.

J. Edgar Hoover outlined the communist-led civil rights movement:

Communists seek to advance the cause of communism by injecting themselves into racial situations and in exploiting them (1) to intensify the frictions between Negroes and whites to "prove" that discrimination against minorities is an inherent defect of the capitalist system, (2) to foster domestic disunity by dividing Negroes and whites into antagonistic, warring factions, (3) to undermine and destroy established authority, (4) to incite Negro hostility toward law and order, (5) to encourage and foment racial strife and riotous activity, and (6) to portray the Communist movement as the “champion” of social protest and the only force capable of ameliorating the conditions of the Negro and the oppressed.

In his book Color, Communism and Common Sense, Manning Johnson describes the tactics that Communists used to control the civil rights movement. A chief tactic is to condemn racial strife while creating it. Smearing opponents is another.

The civil rights movement has followed the basic communist tactic of thesis (action), antithesis (reaction), and synthesis (solution). Blacks agitate, threaten violence, take over property, and riot — thesis (problem). Whites react to protect themselves — antithesis. (To ensure a violent reaction, often the reaction is led by agents of the ruling elite.) Agents of the ruling elite come forth with the solution, which is concentrating ever more power in the U.S. government and the President, whom the ruling elite controls if not own — synthesis (solution). It is all very simple.

The objective of the civil rights movement is to divide and destroy America and to bring down the white race. It has been remarkably successful because of the complete and unconditional surrender by whites.

As has been shown, the civil rights movement has been a communist movement from the beginning and continues to be one today. Its leaders have been Communists and communist sympathizers.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.
 
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