Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 3

Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 3

Thomas Allen

    About the claim “that integration is part of the communist conspiracy in America,” Putnam writes:

The communists have made the integration movement a part of their conspiracy, although of course communism is not the only force back of integration. Communism is one phase of a disease, of which equalitarianism and socialism are milder phases, all of which stem from the general leftist overdrift (p. 73).

[For the most part, egalitarians and socialists are not formal Communists; they are communist sympathizers and fellow travelers. They strive for the same goals and objectives. Their disagreements are ones of methods, not of substance.] Contrariwise, Putnam writes that:

[T]he equalitarian ideology, which presumes to justify integration, is playing into communist hands, not only by setting section against section in America, but by spreading the equalitarian virus, and thus weakening the body politic to a point where more dangerous phases of the disease are contracted (p. 73).

    Putnam comments on the connection between wealthy foundations and foundations supporting the Communist cause of integration (pp. 74-75). [V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement” and “Foundations.”]
    To the question “[D]oes not our democracy need to practice equalitarianism at home in order to fight communism aboard,” Putnam replies, “[Y]ou do not fight a disease by contracting it” (p. 75). [In a sense, this is the theory underlying vaccination.] He adds, “[I]f a gangster offers your child opium to get him to join his side, you do not also offer him opium to keep him on yours” (p. 73). Then he quotes the humanitarian Albert Schweitzer:

        The Negro is a child, and with children nothing can be done without the use of authority. We must, therefore, so arrange the circumstances of daily life that my natural authority can find expression. With regard to the Negroes, then, I have coined the formula: 'I am your brother, it is true, but your elder brother.’
        The combination of friendliness with authority is the great secret of successful intercourse. One of our missionaries, Mr. Robert, left the staff some years ago to live among the Negroes as their brother absolutely. He built himself a small house near a village between Lambarene and N’Gomo, and wished to be recognized as a member of the village. From that day his life became a misery. With his abandonment of the social interval between white and black he lost all his influence (p. 76).

     Next Putnam writes, “[Black Africans] do not really desire or understand freedom and its responsibilities; they wish equality and the capture for themselves of the fruits of the intelligence and enterprise of others” (p. 76). He reminds us that liberals and churchmen demand that Europeans take over backward countries to end the cruelty and horrors practiced by the natives. Now they demand that  Europeans return these countries to the natives so that they can again practice these cruelties and horrors (p.77). [When Europeans turned over their African colonies to native Black Africans, Africans in most of them proceeded to hack up members of other tribes.]
    Putnam comments negatively on economic aid being able to help Africa (pp. 77-80). [Economic aid has made many African leaders wealthy beyond their dreams while doing little for the common people. As the saying goes, “foreign aid is poor people in rich countries giving money to rich people in poor countries.”] He questions the wisdom of granting independence to African countries. [Abandoning their colonies was more for the benefit of Europe than the colonies that gained their independence. The major mistake made, probably deliberately, was failing to redraw the borders of countries to match tribal boundaries. Such an action would have made Africa a much more peaceful continent. Africa proves that diversify is not strength; it is a detrimental weakness. It only benefits the ruling elite because it increases their power.] Putnam saw granting colonies their independence as creating a vacuum for the Communists to fill. [It did create such a vacuum, and the United States often aided the Communists in filling the vacuum.]
    Next he comments on new African countries hating colonialism (pp. 80-81) and the White race being outnumbered by two to one by the colored races (p. 81).
    Putnam explains that he and his philosophy are not authoritarian (pp. 82-83) or extreme rightist (pp. 83-84). [Egalitarianism, out of which comes integration, requires authoritarianism to overcome the natural innate inequality of humans.]
    About egalitarianism, Putnam writes:

[B]y a series of insidious steps the equalitarian virus produces that most disastrous of all diseases, the complete appeasement of evil. At some point, all ability to discriminate is lost, all resistance to wrong ceases, all indignation dies, all evil is met with sobbing pleas which evil most naturally greets with contemptuous laughter, and the red death of a Godless communism settles on the earth (p. 83).

    Putnam believes that the reason that the leaders of the major political parties ignore the Southern viewpoint is ignorance of its scientific validity. “But this ignorance they are inclined to cherish, and to avoid correcting, because of the balance of power held by Negro voters in certain key states” (p. 84). [The main reason is that the ruling elite wants integration because it increases their power.]
    Putnam comments on the economic backwardness of the South, which was caused by the War for Southern Independence and Reconstruction. However, the South retains much more of the country’s traditional cultural heritage than does the North (pp. 85-86).
    Putnam believes that the NAACP could do great work for the Negro, but it does not (pp. 88-90). [Marxist and other egalitarians founded the NAACP, and they have controlled it ever since {v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement”}. Its primary objective is not helping Blacks, but to destroy the White race — at least that has been the result of its actions.] He continues:

        In the long run, it does him [the Negro] only harm to encourage him to blame others for his own shortcomings. It is particularly harmful to encourage ingratitude, insolence and aggressive imposition on the whites of the South.
        Under equalitarian influence, with a strong assist from communism, it has become the fashion in the North to regard the Southern Negro as the victim of oppression, while the truth is that the Negro in the South is on the whole the product of a friendliness and helpfulness unequalled in any comparable instance in all history (p. 88).

    He contrasts the lives of Blacks in the segregated South with those of Blacks in the Black governed countries of Liberia and especially Haiti. Blacks in the South live “in greater luxury than many Whites in foreign countries” (p. 89). Putnam adds, “I know of no case anywhere in the world in which whites have lived with large numbers of blacks without segregation and avoided genocide” (p. 90).
    In response to the comment “that the Negro owes nothing to the white man except his troubles,” Putnam writes, “If the Negro likes what our white civilization has to offer, then he should remember that he owes that to the white man” (p. 90).
    To the suggestion that “the best way to elevate the Negro [is] to give him a chance to associate socially with white people,” Putnam replies, “Although such a procedure is basic to the equalitarian philosophy, the best way to lift the inferior up does not lie in pulling the superior down” (p. 90). He adds:

    In forcing integration upon the schools of the South, the equalitarians have chosen the most defenseless elements of the community — the children and their under-paid teachers — to carry a burden even the strongest should not attempt to bear. Under the circumstances it is not hard to understand the anger of Southerners, and why it sometimes becomes passion (pp. 90-91).

[When the North’s turn to integrate came, Northern parents in cities with a large Negro population reacted just as passionately as Southern parents, if not more so. After all, integration was just to be for the South and nowhere else so these sanctimonious Northerners thought.]
    Putnam notes that Southerners are far less prejudiced than Northerners. “Prejudice is simply . . . judging before getting the evidence. The South has far more evidence, far more experience, concerning the Negro than the North. And hence it is the North that is pre-judging when it tells the South what it ought to do about the Negro problem (p. 91).”
    Putnam remarks that because “it is wrong to bully, humiliate or exploit a Negro, does not make it right to integrate him” (p. 91).
    He comments on the exceptional Negro. They are either mixed breeds or statistical outliers and are not typical (pp. 92-93).
    Putnam notes that the distinction between “desegregation” and “integration” is irrelevant. Desegregated schools will integrate. [Desegregation failed to cause schools to integrate fast enough. So, courts, Congress, and the President forced integration on the country.]
    Putnam gives an excellent response to the concern of second-class citizens. He remarks, “Segregation does not make a second class citizen” (p. 94).
    About condemning a man because of his skin color, Putnam writes, “Skin color has no bearing on the matter. The Negro’s limitations are in the realms of character and intelligence, and the fact they are associated with a black skin is irrelevant” (p. 94).
    Putnam refutes the notion that segregation deprives Blacks of pride and self-respect, which some integrationists believe are essential in developing personality (p. 95). [Sellers argues that White pride is a primary cause of segregation (v. “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics”). Black pride must be good, and White pride, bad.]
    Putnam comments on discrimination and how egalitarians have corrupted the meaning of the word to the detriment of society (p. 95) and tolerance, which can be a virtue or a vice (p. 95).
    Next, he responds to the comment Southerners are racial bigots (pp. 95-96) and concludes that “the Southern position on race [is] more reasonable by far than that of the North. The North is proving itself both irrational and blind” (p. 96).
    To the notion that segregationists are preaching hate instead of love, Putnam replies, “It is those who are forcing the Negro into an unnatural relationship with the white race that are guilty of hostile aggression. . . . The spirit of those back of the integration movement is not love” (p. 96). [How can destroying a race and a country be love, which is what integration does?]
    Putnam notes that the integrationists are far more emotional on school desegregation than Southerners (p. 96).
    He identifies problems and illegalities with the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (pp. 97-98). He adds:

    [T]here was never the slightest suggestion on the part of Congress or anybody else that the Amendment was intended to apply to schools. Congress, having direct control of this matter in the District of Columbia, maintained segregated schools there from the beginning, which is sufficient indication of the intent of the body which proposed the Amendment (p. 98).

[Besides using it for forced integration, the U.S. government has used the Fourteenth Amendment as a cover for many of its other nefarious, power-grabbing activities.]
    To the comment “that the trend of previous decisions made integration decision inevitable,” Putnam replies, “A trend. which made the integration decision inevitable was a trend in the wrong direction. . . . If the trend be wrong, it should be stopped. If it be right up to a point, it should be stopped at that point” (p. 99). He adds, “Desegregation in a non-social situation is one thing. Integration in a social situation is quite another, A trend in one might be justified while in the other it should never be allowed to start” (p. 99). [What may be considered a non-social situation in one community may be considered a social situation in another.] Thus, he notes that the line “is sometimes hard to draw and is a matter which, under our federal form of government, should be left to local decision” (pp. 99-100).
    To the comment that the decision of the Supreme Court is the law, Putnam replies, “Unlike the Constitution which is the law of the land, a decision of the Supreme Court is ‘the law of the case,’ reversible at will by the members who handed it down, or by other members of the same court at any future date” (p. 100). [In 1954 the Supreme Court declared segregated schools illegal after previous Supreme Courts had declared them legal. Moreover, under the Constitution, only Congress can make laws; the Supreme Court has no such constitutional authority.]
    Putnam objects to the notion that opposition is hopeless and people should integrate and make the best of it. He was convinced that the fight had only begun (pp. 100-101). [Unfortunately, Putnam has been proven wrong. Within a few years, Whites surrendered unconditionally to the integrationists and are now on the verge of losing their country. Soon Turanians, primarily Latinos and East Asians, will control the country. Many of them hate Blacks with a passion greater than the stereotypical Klansman and will segregate Blacks who survive with an intensity that they have never known possible. Moreover, Turanians do not suffer from false White guilt, so Blacks cannot bend them {Turanians} to their {Blacks’} will as they do Whites. Blacks will rue the day when they conspired with Communists, Marxists, and other egalitarians, most of whom are self-hating Whites, to bring down the White race.]
    Putnam believes “that the best answer to the humanitarian integrationist is the even more humanitarian segregation . . .” (p. 101). He condemns the surrender attitude held by far too many Whites (pp. 101-102). [Integrationists use humanitarianism as propaganda to brainwash dulled Whites and Blacks into supporting them. However, the objective of the inner core is the opposite of humanitarianism. Their objective is to destroy the United States and the White race even if it means destroying the Black race. Over the last 60 years, they have made great progress and are close to achieving their goal.]
    Putnam comments on the “melting pot” fallacy (p. 104). [What he states that he opposes (p. 104) is coming to pass.]
    He poses nine questions, the answer to which shows the detrimental effects of racial integration with Negroes on the country, Whites, and Blacks (pp. 105-106).
    When asked “[W]hat is the solution to the Negro problem . . . other than integration,” Putnam answers, “It should be left to the sovereign states to solve in accordance with the way the issue is presented in each separate area” (p. 107). [Genocide — breed the races to extinction —is the solution offered by integrationists. The best solution is separation. That is, each nationality has its own nation-state. Thus, the races would govern themselves independently of other races. This solution preserves their integrity.]
    Putnam discusses the flaws of the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision and ways to reverse it (pp 108-113). He concludes that educating “our” leaders is necessary. [One cannot educate people who do not want to learn. For the most part, “our” leaders do not want to be educated. They do not want their fragile egos to be bruised. Moreover, if they learn the truth, they may feel compelled to undertake corrective action, which makes them uncomfortable.]
    Putnam believes that the South should de-emphasize the states’ rights argument and focus on the limited racial adaptability of the Negro and convince “the North that integration is morally wrong because it is destructive of the white civilization of the South” (p. 110). [Later, Northerners got to witness the integrationist destruction of the white civilization of the North. When their turn came, Northerners surrendered unconditionally after some ineffective protest just as Southerners had done. To do otherwise, they would have had to admit that they had been wrong, which is hard for people to do. Furthermore, by that time Whites had been taught to tremble in fear before the word “racist.” None would want to be labeled a “racist.” Only a “racist” could oppose integration and its destructive effects. Because Northerners failed to come to the aid of the South in the 1950s, the United States will cease being a White country around 2040. The primary blame for the death of America lies with Whites outside the South. White quisling leaders in the South who capitulated are also guilty.]
    In Chapter IV, Putnam presents his conclusions. He concludes:

The mulatto who was bent on making the nation mulatto was the real danger. His alliance with the white equalitarian often combined men who had nothing in common save a belief that they had a grudge against society. They regarded every Southerner who sensed the genetic truth as a bigot and used every tactic of deceit and every balance-of-power position to teach and vote a genetic fallacy. Here were the men who needed to be reminded of the debt the Negro owed to white civilization (p. 117).

    Putnam has written an excellent book supporting segregation. His book is full of wisdom and gems too numerous to present in this review.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

Part 2 

More articles on social issues.

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason -- Part 2

Review of Putnam's Race and Reason -- Part 2

Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 3, Putnam presents some comments that he received on his open letter to the Attorney General and his responses.
    Putnam notes that Southerners “talk of states’ rights when they should be talking anthropology, and they do so out of instinctive human kindness” (p. 35). [That is, Southerners used a weak argument against integration because they did not want to hurt the Negro’s feelings.]
    Putnam writes, “In forcing integration upon the South, the North is demanding that the South do what the North itself in similar circumstances would not do. It is an established fact that white people favor integration throughout the United States exactly in proportion as they do not need to practice it.” [On integration, truer words have never been written. When the North’s turn to integrate came, Northerners in areas with a large Black population, e.g., Boston and New York City, resisted as vigorously and as futilely as Southerners. If they had stood with Southern segregationists in the early days, they would not have had their cities torn asunder by integration. As many Whites who could flee fled and, thus, turned some major cities into Black ghettos.]
    Putnam cites several reasons why Southern White children should not be forced to go to school with Blacks. One is that their parents do not want them to. More important, the two races are biologically unequal in their capacity to advance (p. 36). [Integration has done little to overcome this biological inequality.]
    Putnam quotes from a letter to him from a professor of physiology: “School integration is social integration, and social integration means an ever increasing rate of interbreeding. As a biologist I see the process as a mixing of Negro genes in our white germ plasm, a process from which there can be no unmixing” (p. 37). Then Putnam asks “the Northern integrationist by what authority he claims the right to gamble with the white civilization of the South, against the will of its people, while he personally sits secure with his children in all white schools, or in schools with negligible percentages of Negroes. To me this appears as one of the worst examples of hypocrisy and brutality in all history” (p. 37). [Is there no end to Yankee hypocrisy?]
    Some correspondents recommended that White absorb the Black population by interbreeding (p. 37). [Thus, they wanted to breed Blacks to extinction, which is nothing more than genocide (v. Integration is Genocide). This is the Billy Graham solution. Resorting to the genocide of the American Blacks to solve the race problem shows how much these people hate Blacks.]
    Many pro-integrationists, especially the Negro leaders pushing integration, agree with Putnam: Integration leads to more interracial marriages and breeding (pp. 38-37). [One must ask why these Black leaders hate their race so much that they want to breed it out of existence. Contrariwise, do they hate Whites so much that they are willing to destroy the American Black to bring down the White man. Integration has led to a significant increase in interracial marriages. In 1960 0.4 percent of White marriages were interracial, and 1.7 percent of Black marriages were interracial. In 2010, 3.0 percent of White marriages were interracial, and 14.0 percent of Black marriages were interracial. Thus, interracial marriage is far more destructive of the Black race than it is of the White race.)
    Some attacked Putnam with the argument that “many individual Negroes are superior to many individual whites” (p. 42). To which, Putnam replies:

In dealing with matters of race, we must either compare average with average or best with best; we cannot logically compare best with worst. When the chart of the Caucasoid race as a whole is laid beside the chart of the Negro race as a whole, in those attributes involved in our type of civilization, the Caucasoid will be found superior at each level except perhaps the lowest where the question arises, can one be better at being bad? (p. 42)

    As part of his response to opposing interracial social association and interracial marriages, Putnam quotes a Southerner who said, “However weak the individual white man, his ancestors produced the greatness of Europe; however strong the individual black, his ancestors never lifted themselves from the darkness of Africa” (p. 42).
    Putnam refutes the supposed Black civilizations of Africa (pp. 42-44). He discusses the effects of the African climate on the Negro (pp. 45-46). Next, he explains how the fallacious doctrine of racial equality became so popular (pp. 46-48).
    Putnam discusses the claim of virtual unanimity among scientists on the biological equality of the Negro and notes that this claim is false (pp. 48-52). He adds:

There is a strong northern clique of equalitarian social anthropologists under the hypnosis of the Boas school which . . . has captured important chairs in many leading northern and western universities. This clique, aided by equalitarians in government, the press, entertainment, and other fields, has dominated public opinion in these areas and has made it almost impossible for those who disagree with it to hold jobs (p. 49).

[This economic blackmail and extortion are not limited to racial interests. The ruling elite frequently uses it in other venues (for example, see “Two Views of History” .)] He continues:

In a moral sense we are confronted with what might almost be called a trilogy of conspiracy, fraud and intimidation: conspiracy to gain control of important citadels of learning and news dissemination, fraud in the teaching of false racial doctrines, and intimidation in suppressing those who would preach the truth. To speak of academic freedom in the United States today is to make a mockery of the term (pp. 49-50).

[We see the same thing occurring with the climate, a.k.a. global warming, and homosexual agendas. Academic freedom today is nonexistent — especially on social issues. Freedom of speech is dead at most universities and colleges. Political correctness is a malignant cancer destroying everything.]
    Putnam discusses Arnold Toynbee (pp. 52-53) and changes in the size of skulls (p. 53).
    He comments on Dr. J.C. Carothers and the frontal lobes of the Negro (pp. 53-54). Dr. Carothers concludes that either “the mentality of a normal African may be due to the fact that the African’s culture does not place as great a demand on his frontal lobes” or “the frontal lobe condition of the African is innate” (p. 53). To Dr. Carothers’ conclusion, Putnam replies, “The truth is that a race must create its culture before the culture can influence the race” (pp. 53-54).
    Next Putnam discusses Alfred Kroeber (pp. 54-55).
    Then Putnam comments on the accusation that he is a White supremacist allying himself with lynchers and bombers (pp. 55-56). His response to this accusation is:

As far as the Negro race is concerned, if it is interested in such cultural elements as our white civilization has to offer, it should realize that to destroy or to debilitate the white race would be to kill the goose that lays the golden egg. It is a temptation as old as the human species, and always ends with a dead goose and no eggs (p. 55).

[Most Black leaders seem to prefer no eggs if they cannot be the goose. Their goal is to bring the White man down and to become his superior. They are finding many self-hating White quislings who will aid them in this endeavor.]
    Putnam states:

I believe the Negro, if he desires it, should be given every reasonable chance of achieving social and cultural adaptation through equal education in his own schools and by every community effort that does not involve pulling down the white race, but it does not follow that I believe the average Negro capable of achieving it, within any time limits that could have a practical bearing on the present controversy (p. 56).

He asks:

Does the Negro really want to become like the white man, or will he not in the end prefer to maintain his own racial integrity, eliminating only those factors which conflict with a peaceable life in a predominantly white civilization? In other words may not the best solution to the problem be permanent voluntary segregation through pride in, and loyalty to, one’s own race, Negro as well as white? (p. 56)

    Then he discusses a character and intelligence index (pp. 58-59) and crossbreeding (p. 59).
    Putnam comments on equality. He discusses the Declaration of Independence and cites Jefferson and Lincoln. He declares that equality can only coexist with liberty “in the sense of equality of opportunities” (pp. 60-62). [With equality, Putnam stumbles. Does a five-foot, overweight klutz have the same opportunity to become a multimillion-dollar center in the NBA as a seven-foot, highly coordinated, muscular athlete? Does a person with an IQ of 70 have the same opportunity of becoming a scientist, engineer, or doctor as someone with an IQ of 130? The answer to both questions is “no.” Genetics prevents people from having equal opportunity. Moreover, the family in which one is born has a great influence on opportunities and prevents equal opportunity. Later, Putnam does explain that genetics and family, heredity and environment, thwart equality (p. 63)].
    He cites Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address as promoting “all men are born equally free” (p. 60). [It does not. It promotes oppression. Commenting on the battle of Gettysburg and the Gettysburg Address, H.L. Mencken wrote:

Think of the argument in it [the Gettysburg Address]. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination — ‘that government of the people, by the people, for the people,’ should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to image anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in that battle fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves. What was the practical effect of the battle of Gettysburg? What else than the destruction of the old sovereignty of the States, i.e., of the people of the States: The Confederates went into battle free; they came out with their freedom subject to the supervision and veto of the rest of the country — and for nearly twenty years that veto was so effective that they enjoyed scarcely more liberty, in the political sense, than so many convicts in the penitentiary.]

    [As for Jefferson’s phrase “all men are created equal” in the Declaration of Independence, it is doubtful that he intended it to include Blacks. If he did, he was a first-class hypocrite. The Declaration of Independence was a propaganda document to justify secession from the British Empire.]
    Putnam believes that for most signers of the Declaration of Independence, it “‘had no reference to the Negro whatever when they declared all men to be created equal.’” It only referred to “‘white men, men of European birth and European descent’” (pp. 60-61). [Here he is correct.]
    To show that equality is incompatible with liberty, Putnam quotes Hamilton: “Inequality will exist as long as liberty exists. It unavoidably results from that very liberty itself” (p. 60).
    Putnam notes that the U.S. Constitution does not mention “equality.” Quoting from the preamble, he states that the purpose of the Constitution is to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity” (p. 61.) [He misses a great opportunity to point out that the Constitution was written by White people for White people. White men wrote and adopted it. Barring miscegenation, which they abhorred, they expected their posterity to be White. No wonder Boas, Myrdal, and their like hate it so much! The Fourteenth Amendment became necessary to incorporate free Blacks because the original Constitution did not apply to Blacks, except as slaves, and free Blacks were never expected to be citizens or to have the rights and privileges of citizens.]
    Putnam refutes the notion that “equality for the Negro require[s] desegregation.” He declares, “What the Negro is really demanding is social equality with a group that does not desire his company” (p. 62). [What Blacks really want is not equality, but superiority.]
    Putnam provides an excellent response to the concern of injuring the self-esteem of someone by reflecting on his racial background (p. 64). [To enhance the self-esteem of Blacks, the integrationists have annihilated the self-esteem of Whites.] Likewise, his response to discrimination against the exceptional Negro based on racial average is excellent (p. 64).
    Putnam discusses the issue of schools being social institutions. He notes that in many rural areas, schools are social centers. Students eat together, play together, travel together, and dance together. Thus, schools are as much of places of social interaction as they are educational institutions (pp. 65-66). [A major objective of integrating schools is to encourage interracial mating and by that destroy the White race even if it requires destroying the Black race. A White girl whom Putnam quotes (p. 65) confirms this outcome.]
    Putnam quotes a Southern author about integration leading to miscegenation: “To suppose that we can promote all other degrees of race mixing but stop short of inter-racial mating is like going over Niagra Falls in a barrel in the expectation of stopping three-fourths of the way down” (p. 66).
    Putnam correctly contends that the egalitarian ideology leads to interracial marriages. He writes:

A youth brought up to believe all races potentially equal is first conditioned to disregard the evidence of his senses and the dictates of sound judgment, and then to feel the added pressure of pity. Here, he thinks, is a member of a race which has suffered “cultural deprivation” — not only will time adjust all differences, but marriage may be a recompense for injustice (p. 66).

[Marriage statistics show that integration has been highly effective at causing increasing numbers of interracial marriages.]
    Moreover, Putnam correctly notes “that the first thing a group or party that wishes to remake a civilization to suit itself is going to do is to corrupt the relatively defenseless minds of children” (p. 66). [Those who seek to demolish the United States and the White race have gained control of education and religion. With their control, they have brainwashed many with their destructive alien ideas. Thus, the United States are no longer Christian and have become Marxist by adopting all the planks of The Communist Manifesto.]
    Putnam remarks that the Christian religion promises salvation to all men; however, all men are not consequently equal in the sight of God. He notes that salvation is not status. Status has to be earned. He adds, “To assume that a person who wastes his life, albeit confident in his redemption through faith, stands on an equal footing before God with a man who strives to progress in character and service, is to make a mockery of the Christian religion” (p. 67). [According to Jesus, faith in him guarantees one’s salvation. Works determine one’s status. As Putnam notes, far too many people, including theologians, confuse salivation with status.]
    Putnam states, “[W]hen we are confronted with a situation where a race must be considered as a race, there is no alternative to building the system around the average. The minor handicap to the exceptional individual, if such there be, is negligible compared to the damage that would otherwise result to society as a whole” (p. 68).
    Putnam comments that it may be too late to repatriate the American Negro to his biological and spiritual home. However, “it may not be too late to redeem in America the heritage of the white man” (p. 69). If this is not done, the White man in the United States will lose his home. [If he were to write his book today, Putnam would probably conclude that it is too late for the White man to redeem himself and save his home. The White man has lost the United States although he may still be able to save parts of it. Regardless of the White man, Latinos and other races will, if left unchecked, withdraw large territories from the United States. Secession is in the air, and the Latinos will lead the way. Whites will do nothing for fear of being called “racists.” Blacks will long for the good old days of segregation as Latinos will ethnically cleanse their territory of Blacks.]
    Putnam gives an excellent response to the question: “What’s the use in trying to convince my mind when my heart tells me segregation is wrong?” (p. 69) He quotes Matthew 22:36-37 where Jesus states the first and greatest commandment, i.e., loving God with all our heart, soul, and mind. Then Putnam adds:

There seems little doubt that most of our difficulties are due to a failure to use our minds as well as our hearts, and that more of the evil in the world is created by fools than by knaves. Well intentioned, but ignorant or stupid, people are at the bottom of most of the world’s troubles. The heart, unguided by wisdom, soon leads us into emotionalism and thence into chaos (p. 70).

    On the concept of the brotherhood of man, Putnam notes that “brotherhood begins with the family.” Then he adds, “The communist technique of undermining the family as a social unit is very much of a part with their pressure for racial integration. Communists want to destroy all loyalties except loyalty to the State" (p. 70). [Unlike the pro-integrationists, Putnam acknowledges that Communists are behind integration, and he is right (v. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement”).] Continuing, he states “that the grouping instinct is basic, and that race is one of the wider groups” (pp. 70-71).
    Putnam writes, “[T]o expose young white children, in their most formative years, to the Negro influence would have an immediate adverse effect (p. 71).” [Regrettably, the last 55 years of integration have proven Putnam right. Whites have become more like Blacks than Blacks have become like Whites. Instead of Blacks adopting the culture, morals, and virtues of Whites, Whites have adopted those, or the lack thereof, of Blacks.]
    Putnam discusses modern sociology and notes that it is founded on modern egalitarian anthropology (pp. 71-72). He believes that “the real contest in America today is between equalitarianism on the one hand, and individual freedom and responsibility on the other.” He continues, “One of the notions inherit in the first system is the idea that benefits should flow from the State; in the second, that benefits should flow from individual efforts” (p. 71). [With each decade of integration, egalitarianism has advanced, and individual freedom, responsibility, and effort have retreated. Thus, Communists and other Marxists are winning, and the lovers of liberty are losing.]
    Putnam writes, “[Y]ou cannot create superior ideals and superior people by pretending that inferior ideals and inferior people — black or white — are just as good” (p. 72). [Because of declaring that the inferior is just as good as the superior, the United States have collapsed into moral, ethical, religious, spiritual, social, political, and economic decay. Few would have thought that a ruling by the Supreme Court in 1954 would bring down the United States.]
    Putnam quotes one of his correspondents:

        In the last ten years, or ever since the decision was made by the leftwingers to enlist the Negro in their crusade for universal erosion, the leadership of the Negro race has almost abandoned efforts at self-improvement by the Negro. . . .
        Now virtually all the emphasis is being placed upon the theory that the big obstacle to a millennium for the Negro race is the oppressive social system under which he lives. Even a far more sophisticated and superior race of people would be corrupted by such a narcotic as this. In the case of the Negro, with his uncritical mind and lack of experience, the result has been nothing less than a catastrophe (p. 72).

[This was written before the War on Poverty program. The catastrophe that concerned this correspondent pales to insignificance compared with the catastrophe that occurred after the adoption of the War on Poverty program. The War on Poverty and related programs have devastated and nearly destroyed the Black family and Black responsibility. They have enslaved many Blacks to the government. Sadly, few Blacks realize that they have again become slaves.]

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

Part 1, Part 3 

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Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason -- Part 1

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason -- Part 1

Thomas Allen

       
    The following is a review of Race and Reason: A Yankee View (Public Affairs Press, 1960; Cape Canaveral, Florida: Howard Allen Enterprises, second printing 1980), by Carleton Putnam. My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    Putnam opposes the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision in 1954 and the concomitant forced integration. Therefore, his book contains less deceit and fewer errors than books supporting the Court’s decision and integration. Thus, it requires fewer corrections. Most of my remarks are supporting commentary.
    Putnam was a Northerner. In Chapter 1, he sets out his credentials as a purebred Northerner. However, having resided and traveled extensively throughout the South, he has some appreciation of the Southern reaction to the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision in 1954.
    Also, Chapter 1 contains an open letter to President Eisenhower and a discussion about that letter. Naively, Putnam thought that the President would intervene and do all in his power to prevent executing the Court’s desegregation order. [Putnam failed to realize that the people who owned Eisenhower, i.e., the ruling elite, wanted racial integration. They want to bring the United States down and to destroy the White race while concentrating evermore wealth and power in their hands. Because of Eisenhower’s inaction, the United States are no longer a constitutional federal republic. They have become a consolidated empire with the accompanying police state, warfare state, and welfare state.]
    Putnam remarks that the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision “was a sharp departure from the past — a confusion of equality of opportunity and equality before the law, with social and cultural equality — as well as a clear challenge to other American principles” (p. 4). [Here he seems to believe mistakenly that “Supreme Court rulings are the law of the land” (p. 6). However, later he declares that they are not (p. 100). They are not, and as a lawyer who majored in politics (p. 3), he should have known better. Only Congress can legislate. The Supreme Court merely interprets and applies the law to a particular case before it. If it legislates, which is what it did with the 1954 desegregation decision, it has usurped the constitutional authority of Congress.]
    On the Supreme Court’s ruling, Putnam comments, “Although not from the legal, in fact from the practical, standpoint the North, which does not have the problem, is presuming to tell the South, which does have the problem, what to do.” [Not long after Putnam wrote these words, desegregation became a problem for the North as federal judges forced integration on the North.]
    Putnam notes, “[S]ocial status has to be earned. Or, to put it another way, equality of association has to be mutually agreed to and mutually desired. It cannot be achieved by legal fiat” (pp. 6-7).
    [Often Blacks and negrophiles assert that] the Negro “hasn’t been given a chance” (p. 7). To this assertion, Putnam replies, “We were all in caves or trees originally. The progress which the pure-blooded black has made when left to himself, with a minimum of white help or hindrance, genetically or otherwise, can be measured today in the Congo” (p. 7).
    Putnam writes:

Throughout this controversy there has been frequent mention of the equality of man as a broad social objective. No proposition in recent years has been clouded by more loose thinking. . . . When we see the doctrine of equality contradicted everywhere around us in fact, it remains a mystery why so many of us continue to give it lip service in theory, and why we tolerate the vicious notion that status in any field need not be earned.

[Nowhere does equality truly exist. The closest man can come is equality before the law.] Furthermore, he claims that all humans are not equal before God (p. 8). [I have shown in “Review of Segregation and Desegregation” that God is no egalitarian.]
    Putnam claims that the Negro owes more to Abraham Lincoln than to any other man (p. 8). [By today’s standard Lincoln was extremely racist. If he had had his way, all Blacks would have been shipped out of the country. If his position had prevailed and had been maintained, the United States would not have a race problem today.]
    Putnam comments on Northern newspapers gloating over Southern parents being forced to choose between integration and no school at all for their children (p. 9). [A few years later these gloating Northerners faced the same predicament as federal judges forced Northern parents to choose between integration and no education. As a result, Blacks gained control of many major Northern cities as Whites fled them to avoid integration. With White flight came economic decay. All of this could have been avoided if the common Northerner had stood with the South against the Supreme Court.]
    In Chapter 2, Putnam discusses some of his critics. He also includes an open letter to the Attorney General identifying fatal flaws and errors used by the Supreme Court in arriving at its school desegregation decision. Naively, he thought that if the Attorney General knew the truth, he would intervene at his earliest opportunity to get the Court to overturn its decision. [He failed to realize that the people who owned the Attorney General wanted integration.]
    Many of his critics, who were teachers and ministers, “protested with incoherent emotion at the thought of my emotion, and who urged me to face the facts — which they had never faced themselves” (p. 15). A major criticism that he received was that he did not understand “modern” anthropology (p. 16). [Most “modern” anthropology is heavily contaminated with egalitarianism, Marxism, and political correctness. When reading the works of most mid-twentieth century and later anthropologists, one has to filter out this contamination. The works of a few anthropologists, such as John Baker, Carleton Coon, and Vladimir Andeyev, are not contaminated.)
    He notes that the “widening of the American doctrine of equality of opportunity into a doctrine of social, cultural, economic, and genetic equality” was behind the Supreme Court’s ruling (p. 16). [This widening has contaminated all aspects of American life and has so infested Europe that Europe is quickly dying.]
    Putnam comments that there is “no such thing as equality even between two leaves on the same bush — that this was not just a matter of difference, but of inferiority and superiority in terms of the value judgments of persons, communities, nations, and cultures, and that the heart of the matter as regards race lay in the area of heredity” (p. 16). Marxists and other egalitarians have “to denounce heredity in the biological . . . and make it appear that environment alone made the man.” They insist that nothing be innate (pp. 16-17). [Studies have shown that heredity is often more important than the environment in making man. Heredity extends beyond a person’s physical characteristics. It also influences his intelligence, character, personality, disposition, and talents. (V. Species of Men by Thomas Allen.)]
    Putnam reviews the works of Boas and other “scientists” on whom the Supreme Court relied in making its desegregation ruling. He discovered that their works were cleaver and ingenious propaganda “posing in the name of science, fruitless efforts at proof of unprovable theories. . . . [They used] slippery techniques in evading the main issues, the prolific diversions, the sound without the substance” (p. 18). [The anthropologists, sociologists, and psychologists on whose works that the Supreme Court based its school desegregation decision were Marxists. They sympathized with the racial integration program organized and led by Communists. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement.”)]
    Like Putnam, many scientists were aware of the Boas hoax, but they were afraid to expose it for fear of losing their jobs (p. 19). [In this respect, things have only gotten worse since Putnam wrote. Now it goes far beyond race.]
    Putnam believes that Southerners were more suited to make judgment calls about the Negro than Northerners. Southerners were around many more Negroes. Moreover, a higher percent of the Negroes in the North were racially mixed, mulatto. If one wanted to study and learn about the true Negro, he needs to go to Haiti or better to central Africa (pp. 20-21).
    About the Southerner’s attitude toward the Negro, Putnam writes:

Southerners understood the Negro and in large measure loved him. They realized that the agitation rending the South originated with organized white minorities in conjunction with mixed-bloods well over on the white side of the spectrum. They deplored the deterioration this agitation was producing in existing race relations in the blacker South. Yet they could scarcely bring themselves to hurt their own. The South, after generations of experience, had developed customs and a way of life with the Negro that took his limitations into consideration with a minimum of friction and a maximum of kindness. It was entirely against these customs, these adaptations, openly to analyze and publicize the reasons for them (p. 21).

    Putnam notes that a majority of the people in the United States opposed school desegregation and integration. Also, he could not find anything in the records of the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision of 1954 showing that the Attorney General, who is supposed to represent the people of the United States, challenging the anthropological egalitarian theories or opposing school desegregation cited by the Court in its ruling (pp. 21-22). [Thus, the Attorney General like the President sided against the American people.]
    Putnam discusses Myrdal and his book An American Dilemma, which the Supreme Court used to support its decision. Myrdal, a foreign socialist, condemned the U.S. Constitution. He declared “that in the conflict between liberty and equality in the United States ‘equality is slowly winning’” (p. 22). [At least he understands that liberty and equality cannot coexist.] Myrdal’s work builds on the work and philosophy of Boas, “the father of equalitarian anthropology in American,” and his disciples. Myrdal declared the dogma “that races are not by nature equal in their capacity for culture” is fallacious and unsubstantiated (pp. 22-23). [An honest observation of human history proves that this dogma is true. Aryans (Whites) and Turanians, have developed high cultures and advanced civilizations. Negroes, Indo-Australians, and Khoisans have not. Melanochroi may have also built high cultures and civilizations; however, for them, it seems that they did it under Aryan overlords in India and with Aryan captives in the Arabic Islamic region.)
    Next Putnam discusses the flaws and deceptions of Boas’ philosophy. According to Boas, the “present day cultural differences between the Negro and other races are due, not to any natural limitation, but to isolation and historical accident.” To refute Boas, Putnam cites the observation of a traveler, who appears to be a racial egalitarian. This traveler notes that China, India, Mesopotamia, and the Mediterranean coasts and islands developed a high level of culture although they were almost completely isolated from one another. Yet Negroes in Africa never showed any similar development (p. 24).
    Putnam refutes the environmental and slavery excuses used to explain the backwardness of the Negro. The climates of India and Mesopotamia are just as harsh as Africa’s. As the Sahara separates black Africa from the North, so do deserts block China, India, and Mesopotamia. Moreover, the African slave trade is only about a millennium old. He asks, “Why were the Africans not making slaves of the Portugese and Arabs” (pp. 24-25)?
    Next Putnam discusses IQ. He notes that racial egalitarians compare poor Whites with upper-class Blacks and mulattos to show that little difference in IQ exists between the races. However, when averages are compared, i.e., comparing like to like, the Negro’s IQ is significantly below that of Whites. True, some Blacks score above the mean White IQ, but on average the Black man’s IQ is significantly below the White man’s (pp. 25-26). (See Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Allen for a more detailed discussion of racial IQ.)
    Putnam writes:

The essential question in this whole controversy is whether the Negro, given every conceivable help regardless of cost to the whites, is capable of full adaptation to our white civilization within a matter of a few generations, or whether the record indicates such adaptation cannot be expected save in terms of many hundreds, if not thousands, of years, and that complete integration of these races, especially in the heavy black belts of the South, can result only in a parasitic deterioration of white culture, with or without genocide. I am certain neither you [the Attorney General] nor the Court, nor any significant number of Northerners would knowingly shackle their racial brothers in the South against their will with a system which would produce either of the latter results (p. 27).

[Here, Putnam errors — perhaps because he wanted to give the Attorney General and the Supreme Court the benefit of the doubt. The primary purpose of integration has been to use Blacks and other colored races to destroy the South, the United States, and most of all the White race. (V. “The Civil Rights Movement Is a Communist Movement,” “The Dirty War: America’s Race War,” “Black Nationalism,” and Integration Is Genocide.)]
    Putnam discusses another citation by the Supreme Court in arriving at its school desegregation decision. That is, the assumption that segregation adversely affects Negroes and secondarily White children. He notes that nowhere are the possible adverse effects of integration on White children discussed. On the effects of integration on Whites, William Polk writes, “If the Negro is entitled to lift himself up by enforced association with the white man, why should not the white man be entitled to prevent himself from being pulled down by enforced association with the Negro” (p. 28)? [Denying the White man the choice of preventing himself from being pulled down shows that integration has been more about bringing the White man down than about lifting the Black man up.]
    The lower court claimed that “a sense of inferiority [produced by segregation] affects the motivation of a child to learn.” The Supreme Court accepted this assertion without question. In response to this assertion, Putnam writes, “[I]f a child is by nature inferior, enforced association with his superiors will increase his realization of his inferiority, while if he is by nature not inferior, any implication of inferiority in segregation, if such there be, will only serve as a spur to greater effort” (p. 29). [After more than 50 years of school integration, the average Black still has a great deal more difficulty in learning than the average White. What is the excuse now if not biology?]

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Part 2 

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