Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 1

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 1

Thomas Allen

       
    The following is a review of Race and Reality: A Search for Solution (Carlton Putnam, 1967; Cape Canaveral, Florida: Howard Allen Enterprises, 1980), by Carleton Putnam. My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    Putnam opposes school desegregation and integration. Therefore, his book contains less deceit and fewer errors than books supporting integration. Thus, it requires fewer corrections. Most of my remarks are supporting commentary.
    I have quoted a good deal from his book because many of his remarks are priceless gems that are poignant and cogent. Unfortunately, most conservatives now believe the lies preached by liberals, progressives, socialists, communists, and other egalitarians about racial equality. Most libertarians believe these lies because their ideology does not allow them to believe otherwise. Thus, Martin Luther King has been deified.
    In Chapter 1, Putnam contemplates what he should have included in his first book (v. "Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason" by Thomas Allen). He is surprised by “the extent to which otherwise rational people were willing to be deceived  . . ., but not as much as the lengths to which public leaders, scholars, churchmen, and the mass media would go to alter the fabric of our society in the deception’s name”  (p. 2).
    He reviews some events that had taken place since he wrote his first book. “The passage of Civil Rights Acts, the pro-Negro pressures of government departments and the Negro-oriented stance of the opinion-forming agencies of our society had only resulted in increasing racial tensions throughout the country.” Race riots had occurred in Philadelphia, New York, Rochester, Cleveland, Los Angeles, and other cities. Civil wars, rebellions, coups d’etat, and other acts of political violence had become common in Africa (pp. 1-2). [Some of the worst race riots were still to come. Most of them were outside the South.]
    Putnam comments on the American Anthropological Association condemning people, especially scientists, who maintained that Blacks were not mentally equal to Whites. When presented with evidence of racial differences, these racial egalitarians either ignored the evidence or answered with assertions instead of evidence. Putnam writes, “The Anglo-American scientific hierarchy, speaking through their various associations and magazines, invariably retorted with assertions, not with evidence” (p. 5). Sadly, most people choose to believe the assertions and to ignore the evidence to the contrary (pp. 3-6). [This attitude probably results from laziness and fear. Much more intellectual effort is needed to analyze and accept evidence than to merely believe an assertion. Also, many fear taking a position that those with political power reject.]
    He notes that a poll taken in 1942 showed that 20 percent of Southerners and 50 percent of Northerners thought that Blacks and Whites were intellectually equal. When the poll was taken in 1956, 80 percent of Northerners and 60 percent of Southerners believed the races to be intellectually equal (p. 6). [This is proof of the effectiveness of propaganda in convincing people to believe a lie. Undoubtedly, these numbers are much higher today. However, one must wonder about the accuracy of today’s response. Are people telling the posters what the posters want to hear, or are they lying out of fear of being labeled a “racist”?]
    Putnam notes that “the dissolution of the colonial system among backward peoples . . . stemmed from the assumption that these people had the innate capacity to maintain stable, free societies. . . . The promiscuous granting of foreign aid . . . rested on the same assumption” (p. 6). [This assumption seems to have been replaced by the uncontrollable desire to destroy the White race.]
    Putnam favors Western European countries overseeing backward countries — governing them similarly to the old colonial system but without exploitation. He favors some kind of United Nations mandate system (p. 7, passim). [Abandoning the colonial system offered the imperial powers a great opportunity if they had completely forsaken imperialism. Instead, they replaced their overt imperialism with covert imperialism, such as foreign aid, meddling in the domestic affairs of backward countries, and nation-building. Moreover, Africa would be a more peaceful continent if the European powers had drowned the political borders of counties to match tribal boundaries.]
    Putnam believes that the domestic and foreign policies of the United States should be based on the concept that the races have different cognitive abilities instead of basing them on the concept of the races being equal in abilities (p. 7). [First, Putnam gives political leaders too much credit and the benefit of the doubt. Most probably knew that Blacks lacked the cognitive abilities of Whites. They had another agenda in mind — the destruction of the United States, Western civilization, and the White race. Second, the science of Putnam’s day proved that the races were not equal. Today, science proves their inequality beyond a doubt to anyone with a functioning brain cell.]
    Putnam wonders why conservatives and especially Southerners failed to use the strongest argument against the integrationist agenda. That argument is that the races are innately, genetically, unequal in their capacities. [Most conservatives and many Southerners seem to accept the integrationist dogma of racial equality or at least act as though they do.] By failing to argue racial inequality, which the scientific literature supported, conservatives lost to the liberals and integrationists. As Putnam remarks, “It became quite appropriate to refer to the conservative movement and the Republican Party as the liberals’ kept opposition” (p. 8). [Even 50 years later, conservatives and the Republican party, or Stupid party as Sam Francis liked to call it, remain the liberals’ kept opposition.] Putnam believes that this failure resulted from changes that had occurred before World War I. “Confidence in both the moral and physical force of rectitude had gradually disappeared. Respect for distinction had gone, too — and with it respect for authority in the home, in the community and in the state. All of these things tended to sap a man’s courage to assert a vested pride in his personal heritage — might it not be just as true as to the heritage of his race” (pp. 8-9)? However, he noted that minority groups only held a balance of power when the White majority was divided (pp. 7-9).
    He condemns conservative leaders who focused on communism or conspiracy while avoiding mentioning racial inequality (p. 9). These conservatives believed, or at least acted as though they believed, the assertion of racial equality. If they had defeated the dogma of racial equality, they would have defeated communism and socialism as they depend on the egalitarian dogma (pp. 9-10).
    Putnam comments on social injustice and writes:

With occasional but not statistically significant exceptions, in America at least, a man might be poor and “underprivileged” for one of three reasons: (1) because of innate limitations; (2) because of laziness and improvidence; or (3) because of social injustice. No one questioned the imperative to correct category 3. But what the equalitarian did was to seek to blur the distinction between all the categories and particularly to transpose 1 into 3. This must increase rather than abate class and race conflict for while most reasonable men would be willing to see their savings and perhaps other fruits of their industry, intelligence and self-denial taxed or destroyed to correct 3, few would submit indefinitely to such a procedure on behalf of 1 and 2 (p. 10).

America has come to accept reason 1 as equivalent to reason 3. Thus, it has a society built on a false premise. He wonders how long such a society can last (pp. 10-11). [Fifty years later, America is suffering greatly from living the lie of racial equality. It may be on the verge of collapsing. At least its first Black president is doing everything possible to bring America down.]
    Putnam asks, “[Is it] in the interest of those minorities who had either sought refuge here, or who had found a refuge by continuing here, that those values should be changed — and changed in a direction which must eventually produce the very conditions from which refuge had been sought?” (pp. 11-12). “Those values” are the values on which the founding stock built America, that is, “its law, its language, its government, its religion, its pioneering enterprise and its stability of character” (p. 11). [The answer appears to be that most immigrants want to replace these values with the values from which they flee and, by that, produce the very conditions from which refuge is sought.]
    In conclusion, Putnam could not find any real “justification for the evasive, self-defeating attitude of conservatives, or the outright self-betrayal of Anglo-American liberals” (p. 12). The best answer that he could find was “ignorance.” However, it is “a strange, self-perpetuating kind of ignorance bordering on hypnosis, an ignorance nourished by the pervasive power of the news and entertainment media after it had first been instilled by the academic hierarchy — an ignorance buttressed by feelings of guilt which the ignorance itself created” (p. 12). [If it is ignorance, then that ignorance has been well-fertilized over the last 50 years. Most likely, the cause is not ignorance.  Ignorant men seldom become leaders. Most likely, the reason is a satanic lust to destroy the White race. This lust has infected far too many brilliant Whites.]
    In Chapter 2, Putnam discusses the fantasy of racial inequality and the motivation and techniques used to conceal the facts of racial inequality.
    He notes that modern anthropology as taught in American universities is the result of a political ideology. At the base of modern anthropology is the socialist dogma. Socialism rests on the notion that all humanity is innately equal. Therefore, socialists needed “to discover that the sole reason why inequalities existed was because of variable environments” (p. 14). “Thus the responsibility for poverty and failure could be placed chiefly on society, not on the individual, and the rebuilding of the social order on socialist lines could be justified” (p. 14).
    Putnam remarks that before Marx and Fabian socialism, “the infant science of anthropology had found no evidence of innate equality” (p. 15). He provides several examples of early anthropologists supporting racial inequality (pp. 15-16).
    The idea of racial equality began with Marx and Engels and accelerated with Franz Boas. Putnam provides some background information on Boas, who was a Jew and a socialist and was connected with 46 communist fronts (p. 20). [Thus, the force behind integration is the racial equality dogma. Behind the racial equality dogma is the socialist and communist egalitarian dogma.] Boas became the leading exponent of environmental, i.e., cultural or social, anthropology in the United States and made it the most popular and publicized school of anthropology (p. 20).
    Next Putnam discusses the disciples of Boas and the influence that they have had (pp. 21-26).
    Putnam identifies four major techniques used to promote the dogma of racial equality. First is “the undocumented assertion by the scientific hierarchy channeled through the news media” (p. 26). The second and third techniques are “debate by avoidance and diversion . . . to political grounds . . . and of argument by outright chicanery” (p.26). Fourth is “the suppression and persecution of scientists who offered to tell the truth” (p. 26). He offers examples of these techniques (26ff). [Not only have the four techniques been used in the discussion of racial issue, they have been used in the discussion of climate change and many other supposedly scientific debates.]
    Putnam comments on the UNESCO Statement on Race, which was a propaganda statement. He quotes the criticism of several leading anthropologists, geneticists, zoologists, and biologists (pp. 26-29).
    The news media promoted the Statement on Race but seldom reported replies critical of it. Also, the news media printed articles supporting and promoting racial equality, i.e., “no inborn differences of temperament, personality, character, or intelligence among the races” exist. Yet replies to such articles, if allowed, are restricted to letters to the editor (pp. 29-30). Putnam offers examples of the tricks that the media uses to subvert the truth (pp. 30-34). [After 50 years, nothing has changed. Well, not exactly, the chicaneries of the media are more refined and devious. Much egalitarianism and anti-White propaganda is stealthily inserted and inculcated through television shows. Moreover, what passes for news is often propaganda. The media is even bolder now than then about suppressing and corrupting the truth.]
    Next Putnam discusses “the technique of argument by avoidance through political diversion or substitution. It consisted in retreating from one untenable scientific position to another, hoping to benefit from the ignorance of the opponent, failing which the shift was quickly made to non-scientific grounds such as civil rights and the Constitution” (p. 34). He gives examples (34ff).
    Instead of providing scientific data to prove the equality of the races, they use specious arguments that have nothing to do with science, such as the U.S. Constitution guarantees racial equality. About the constitutional assuring racial equality, Putnam [correctly] states: "It is totally incorrect to say that a ‘principle of equality’ is embodied in the Constitution. The 14th Amendment refers to ‘equal protection of the laws,’ but nowhere in this amendment, nor anywhere else in our national charter, is there any support for a concept of social or biological equality” (pp. 34-35). [As Putnam states, the Constitution does not assure racial equality. The Supreme Court and promoters of socialism and racial equality merely claim that it does. The authors of the Constitution wrote it for themselves and their posterity (“We . . . [to] secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution. . . .”) Those who adopted the Constitution adopted it for themselves and their posterity. The authors and adopters were White; their posterity was White. They did not entertain the thought that Negroes and Indians were citizens, and, therefore, they did not have the same rights, privileges, or duties as Whites. When the U.S. government adopted affirmative action laws and imposed quotas, it nullified the 14th Amendment’s “equal protection of the laws” provision. Affirmative action and quotas give legal advantage to the protected group that is not available to others. Moreover, the reason that opponents of racial inequality do not argue using science is because the science supporting racial equality is weak or nonexistent. The science that supports racial inequality is strong and prominent. One sees the same type of argument by religious leaders who promote integration. They seldom refer to specific Biblical passages to support their argument for integration. The Biblical support for segregation is strong and occurs from Genesis to Revelations. (V. “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation”: “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics,” and “Review of Segregation and Desegregation,” False Biblical Teachings on the Origins of the Races and Interracial Marriages, and Integration Is Genocide;  all by Thomas Allen)]
    Putnam comments on the collaboration between the media and the hierarchy of scientific organizations to support the political doctrine of egalitarianism (pp. 36-37). He strongly objects “to the political views as a substitute for science and to the prostitution of the authority of scientific organizations by its use in supporting propaganda” (p. 37). He finds it reprehensible that the scientific hierarchy neither debates the science of racial equality or inequality nor bases its political position on the facts (p. 37).
    Putnam does not think much of appeasement. He writes, “[T]he more one appeased the more the encroachment was invited” (p. 38). People who appease “would never win any help worth having by lying to, and fawning upon, backward people” (p. 38). [One sees this effect in the civil rights movement. The more Whites surrendered to Blacks, the more Blacks demanded. Appeasement has resulted in open borders and flooding the United States with nonwhites. Appeasement will be the death of America. It has destroyed the White man’s will to survive and promote his interest. It has made him a self-hating coward.] He adds:

If scientists wish to express their personal political views as private citizens, that is of course their privilege. But I do not think they have a right to get together as a group speaking as scientists (with all their public authority as scientists) and then falsify science in undocumented public pronouncements on political issues, simply because their private political opinions make them believe this is justified. They have no more right to do this than a group of doctors would have the right to join in a medical association and announce that a diet of spinach would prevent cancer, simply because as individuals they believe the sale of spinach would help the farmer (p. 38).

    Next Putnam discusses the technique of suppression. He provides examples (39ff) and gives examples of scientists who lost their jobs or were not employed because of scientific data that they published. Other scientists felt threatened with the loss of their jobs if they sided with the truth of genetic racial inequality.
He writes:

. . . all the other techniques contributed to the weapon of persecution. They elevated the equalitarian dogma into a fetish by their ceaseless repetition through the media. The result was an academic climate highly unfavorable to free discussion, for it led to social ostracism, bitterness between colleagues, and personal disapproval of the individual worker and his family. Beyond this the persecution technique raised higher barriers. With ruthless brutality it struck the pocketbook nerve (p. 39)

[After reading Putnam’s examples of suppression, one realizes that science is not open to free discussion and inquiry. It is like a religion with its own dogmas and doctrines. Any member of that religion, scientists, who opposes these dogmas and doctrines not only risks ostracism but is often ostracized to the point of unemployment and is prevented from employment in any related fields. The argument is not won by the person who presents the most convincing evidence. It is won by the person who wields the most political and economic power. When the political agenda conflicts with scientific truth, the truth must be suppressed.]
    Finally, Putnam discusses the technique of argument by chicanery (41ff). Again he gives examples. Perhaps the most common trick is to compare the best of one group with the worst of the other group; such a procedure has no validity. Thus, the racial egalitarians compare the above-average Negro with the below-average White and declare that Blacks are equal to Whites (p. 42).  Comparisons should be made by comparing average against average, best against best, or lowest against lowest. [When likes are compared, Blacks are shown to have lower I.Q. than Whites.] Another technique is to confuse intraracial differences, which are enormous, with interracial differences (p. 44).

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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