Jews’ and Lincoln’s Treatment of Negroes

 Jews’ and Lincoln’s Treatment of Negroes

Thomas Allen

The following are some comments on the Jewish treatment of freed slaves and Lincoln toward Blacks and slaves.

Jewish Treatment of Freed Slaves

In “We Thought They Were White,” Dontell Jackson discusses the prominence of Jews in the slave trade during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He provides some interesting information about Jewish exploitation of Blacks during Lincoln’s War and Reconstruction:

Writing in the journal of his travels throughout the South in the mid 19th century, author Fredrick Law Olmsted noted: “There is a considerable population of foreign origin, generally of the least valuable class; very dirty German Jews, especially, abound, and their characteristic shops (with their characteristic smells, quite as bad as in Cologne) are thickly set in the narrowest and meanest streets, which seem otherwise to be mainly inhabited by negroes. . . . A swarm of Jews has, within the last ten years, settled in every Southern town, many of them men of no character, opening cheap clothing and trinket shops, ruining or driving out of business many of the old retailers, and engaging in an unlawful trade with the simple Negroes, which is found very profitable.” Similarly, Mark Twain commented: “In the U. S. cotton states, after the war, the Jew came down in force, set up shop on the plantation, supplied all the negroes’ wants on credit, and at the end of the season was the proprietor of the negro’s share of the present crop and part of the next one. Before long the whites detested the Jew.”

Civil War Union William Tecumseh Sherman on arriving in the South was astonished by the number of Jewish carpetbaggers and scalawags that he encountered operating in the Confederate states, saying: “I found so many Jews & speculators here trading in cotton and secessionists had become open in refusing anything but gold that I have found myself bound to stop it.” General Ulysses Grant wrote to the Assistant Adjutant General of the US Army on December 17, 1862, : “I have long since believed that in spite of all the vigilance that can be infused into post commanders, the specie regulations of the Treasury Department have been violated, and that mostly by the Jews and other unprincipled traders. So well satisfied have I been of this that I instructed the commanding officer at Columbus to refuse all permits to Jews to come South, and I have frequently had them expelled from the department. But they come in with their carpet-sacks in spite of all that can be done to prevent it. The Jews seem to be a privileged class that can travel anywhere. They will land at any woodyard on the river and make their way through the country. If not permitted to buy cotton themselves, they will act as agents for someone else, who will be at a military post with a Treasury permit to receive cotton and pay for it in Treasury notes which the Jew will buy at an agreed rate, paying gold.”

Lincoln on Blacks and Slaves

Abraham Lincoln is the most idolized President of the United States. Although he never freed any slaves and did not want to live among freed Blacks, he is known as the Great Emancipator and the forefather of racial equality. Furthermore, he is praised for saving the Union, although he destroyed the Union organized under the Constitution that the Founding Fathers gave the country and converted it into a consolidated empire primarily for the benefit of big business and big finance.

In “The Consolidation of State Power Via Reconstruction, 1865–1890,” Thomas J. DiLorenzo provides some interesting yet little-known information about Abraham Lincoln.

– Lincoln was a White supremacist and believed that the races should be segregated.

– As a supporter of African colonization, he wanted to repatriate freed slaves to Africa or send them to another country; they should not be allowed to remain in the United States as social or political equals of Whites. They certainly should not be allowed to settle in the territories because they were reserved for Whites.

– He married into a slave-owning family, and slave labor from the family’s plantation subsidized him and his wife.

– Lincoln supported the Illinois “Black Codes,” which restricted the trades and occupations of Blacks. (During Reconstruction, the federal government prevented Southern States from adopting such codes.)

– Moreover, he ordered Union officers to return runaway slaves to their owners and required his cabinet to sign a pledge to support the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution.

– When he was in the Illinois Legislature, he supported amending the Illinois Constitution to forbid the immigration of Blacks into the state. Also, when he was in the Illinois Legislature, he voted to deny blacks the privilege to vote. Further, he opposed Negro citizenship and opposed allowing them to serve as jurors or hold public office. Moreover, he favored taxing Blacks to help pay for schools for White children.

– As an Illinois lawyer, Lincoln defended slave owners, but he never defended a fugitive slave.

To DiLorenzo’s list, Clyde Wilson, in “Getting Right With Abe,” adds that instead of emancipating the slaves that his wife inherited, he sold them. Additionally, in “Erasing Black Confederates,” Wanjiru Njoya notes that Lincoln personally supported an irrevocable constitutional amendment, commonly called the Corwin Amendment, that protected slavery forever.

(For more on Lincoln’s attitude toward Blacks, see “Lincoln on the Negro Race” and “Some Nineteenth Century Thought on the Negro” by Thomas Allen.)

With their rapine, Jews, Yankees, and Republicans impoverished the South so severely that more than a century elapsed before Southerners and Southern Blacks recovered from the poverty caused by Lincoln’s War and Reconstruction. 

Copyright © 2026 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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John Birch Society and Segregation

John Birch Society and Segregation

Thomas Allen

In the April 23, 2020, online New American, Alex Newman writes an article, “NeverTrumper Lies About Birch Society & Schlafly in ‘Daily Beast.’” In this article, he refutes what Ronald Radosh wrote about Phyllis Schlafly in “Phyllis Schlafly, ‘Mrs. America,’ Was a Secret Member of the John Birch Society,” the Daily Beast,  April 20, 2020.  Newman writes that Radosh is “a former Communist Party USA operative turned NeverTrump neoconservative Buckleyite.”

The discussion that follows is about what Newman writes about the John Birch Society (JBS) and its founder Robert Welch and their support of integration instead of what he writes about Schlafly. Most of what Newman writes in his article focuses on the JBS and Welch’s opposition to racial segregation and support of racial integration.

On racial issues, Welch and the JBS were at the forefront of political correctness. While attacking communism and communists, they supported the communist organized and led desegregation-integration movement.

Newman ardently objects to Radosh’s characterization of the JBS as a “far-right group infamous for its support of segregation.” On the contrary, the JBS was and still is dedicated to integration and, apparently, everything that has grown out of integration, such as, Black privileges and the movement to genocide the White race — although, most likely, Newman would argue otherwise.

Noting that the JBS has never supported segregation, Newman lists several notable Black activists who were members of the JBS: George Schuyler, Manning Johnson, and Julia Brown. Continuing, he adds that members of the JBS “helped lead the fight against racism, racial collectivism, government-enforced segregation, discrimination, and so on.” Except for racial collectivism, progressives, liberals, and communists also fought against these things.

Although it may have opposed governmental-enforced integration, the JBS has never been as vigorous in opposing government-enforced integration as it was in opposing government-enforced segregation. Moreover, it seems to have accepted segregation by custom (the Northern approach) while opposing government-enforced segregation (the Southern approach). Thus, the JBS is a right-wing Puritan Yankee organization out to reconstruct Southerners into its own image. (Most Southerners never wanted to force segregation in the North. However, most Northerners wanted to force integration in the South, but not in the North.)

Although Welch was a Southerner, he was a scalawag par excellence. Obviously, he believed that the Radical Republicans failed to remake the Southerner into the image of the Puritan Yankee.  Consequently, he sought to finish their work. While he failed to replace segregation with integration, the communists succeeded.

Newman remarks that National Review and its founder, William Buckley,  supported segregation into the 1960s. He condemns Buckley for claiming that Whites were more advance than Blacks and that Southerners should suppress voting by Blacks to preserve civilization. Apparently, Newman believes that the civilization of post-civil-rights America, with its increased sexual promiscuity, divorces, acceptance of homosexual marriages, abortions, crimes by Blacks, lost liberties, socialism, police state, drug abuse, power of the Establishment, etc., is superior the civilization to pre-civil-rights America.

Even as late as the mid-1960s, Buckley was fighting a rearguard action to save the White race and Western Civilization, while the JBS and Welch were rejoicing covertly their demise —at least that has been the result of their war against racial separation. (The communists knew this destructive result of integration, which is why they fought for it.) Later, Buckley repented his evil ways and adopted the politically correct racial view that Whites, especially Southerners, are the vilest creatures in the Universe — Welch would have been proud of him.

Next, Newman writes that Welch wrote an article, “A Letter to the South,” in which he argues against segregation in the South. In that article, Welch argues “that segregation was on its way out, that this demise was a good thing, and that the communist exploitation of the “civil rights” cause had set back this progress by a generation.” Welch was wrong. Within a decade after this article, the communist lead civil rights movement had won; integration had replaced segregation in the South. Only mop-up operations against the few remaining renegades and expansion into the North remained. Because of this victory for which Welch longed, the White race is on its way to extinction —and the American Black may not be far behind.

Although Welch condemned communist racial agitators for stirring up racial hatred and for impeding integration, they did achieve victory quickly and completely. For this victory, Welch should have been glad. Was Welch’s hostility toward the communists coming from his lust for glory, i.e., he wanted the credit for ending segregation in the South? Does this explain the hostility of the JBS toward communists?

On racial issues, Welch was an extremely progressive and indefatigable promoter of racial equality, which is among the most detrimental hoaxes that the Establishment, the ruling elite, has ever advanced. (For the unbiased, science has proven that the races are not equal. They differ in physical abilities, intelligence, temperament and many other aspects. As history has shown, races differ in their abilities to develop civilizations, technologies, and many other things.)

Being racial egalitarians, Welch and his fellow Birchers are a step away from being full-fledged socialist and communists. They believe that the several races of men are identical in attributes. Except for a few external physical features, which no one but a liar can deny, the races are identical and, therefore, equal. (Nevertheless, the races of man differ in blood and bone, which are not readily visible.) If the attributes of the races are identical and equal, then the attributes of each individual comprising the races must be identical and equal. From this egalitarian notion, socialists, especially communists, derive the logical conclusion that each individual should, therefore, be equal in wealth. However, Birchers have not come to this logical conclusion of racial equality. Consequently, they are not as logical in their reasoning as are socialists and communists. Is because the egalitarianism of the communists is more consistent and logical than that of the Birchers a reason that Birchers despise communism?

In the 1950s, most Southerners, both liberals and conservatives, and many Northerners opposed race-mixing. Only communists and their kindred and Birchers favored race-mixing, which leads to miscegenation, which is genocide — the destruction of the races. Thus, integration is genocide.

Apparently, Welsh and the Birchers who followed him in advocating integration did not care about the Black man. If they did, they would not have pushed policies that would eventually lead to his death.

Welch “openly promoted and supported an end to segregation” because ending segregation would result in “exposing evildoers and reduce government.” One must wonder what drugs Welch was taking to believe this nonsense. The death of segregation birthed an explosion in the size of the government. (More government is needed to enforce integration than segregation because integration is unnatural.)  Moreover, what vile evildoer has been exposed and, if exposed, has suffered any penalty?

Much of the hostility of the JBS and Welch toward communists and communism seems to come from the civil rights movement. While the JBS failed to replace segregation with integration, the communists succeeded. Does much of the JBS hatred of communists come from the communists succeeding where the JBS failed?

Welch is not the only leader of the JBS to support genocide via race-mixing. JBS President Emeritus John McManus also promotes genocide via race-mixing. (Also, see “A Letter: Miscegenation” by Thomas Allen.) Unlike most Blacks and other nonwhites, Welch and his fellow Birchers are racial nihilists who follow the new morality.

NOTE:
According to Eustace Mullins (Murder by Injection: The Story of the Medical Conspiracy Against America, 1988, page 200), the Rockefellers sponsored the JBS. Nelson Rockefeller bought the Welch Candy Company from Robert Welch, a 32nd degree Freemason, for a handsome price. For the principal officers of the JBS, Welch chose from his acquaintances at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). (Years later, the JBS would attack the CFR as a more dangerous group than the Communist party. Because of the support that the CFR gave the Soviet Union through its control of the US government, multinational corporations, and international financiers, the Soviet Union lived decades longer than it would have lasted without such aid.) As Buckley, who was a CIA operative (and a member of the CFR and Skull and Bones), and his National Review were established to control conservatives and the Right, so Welch and the JBS seemed to have been established for the same purpose. When the JBS credibility began to fade, Buckley gave the JBS free publicity by attacking it in his magazine.

According to Mark Hines (“A Good Reason to Leave the John Birch Society: Masonic Roots of Mormonism,” The Federal Observer, Vol. 06, No. 343, Dec. 10, 2006, http://www.federalobserver.com/archive.php?aid=8610, accessed Dec. 10, 2006), the JBS “is a front organization set up to attract and control unsuspecting Patriots that wish to band together to make a difference in our Country.” He criticizes the JBS for collecting a great deal of money and expending much time and energy without ever accomplishing anything. Hines discovered that Mormons controlled the JBS. The Mormons had a different, even the opposite, agenda than the common members. Mormons pushed the Freemasonry agenda of globalism, which the common Bircher vehemently opposed.

In Kangaroo Court Versus the John Birch Society (“The Belmont Brotherhood,” http://watch.pair.com/belmont. May 5, 2006.), A.J. MacDonald discusses some founders and council members of the JBS and their connection with the Establishment, Insiders, Ruling Elite, Globalists, or whatever one wants to call them. Moreover, Welch’s view of Christianity is similar to that of an ultra-liberal “Christian” — far more humanistic, communistic, Masonic, and Illuministic than Christian. (Perhaps, this explains why Welch promoted policies that would lead to the genocide of the races that God created.) About Welch, Nicholas J. Bove, Jr. writes, “Welch has provided the most valuable service of all time to the Conspiracy. He founded an organization to neutralize millions of Americans from discovering what the true power behind the Illuminati really was.” (“The Belmont Brotherhood,” op. cit.)

According to Dr. Henry Makow, before founding the JBS, Welch had been a member of the Communist (Trotskyite) front League of Industrial Democracy ("The Zionist Billionaires Who Control Politics," Feb. 23, 2011, http://www.henrymakow.com/koch.html, accessed Feb. 24, 2011).

Copyright © 2020 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Review of the Race Problem and Human Progress

Review of the Race Problem and Human Progress

Thomas Allen

    The following is a review of The Race Problem and Human Progress by Dr. Wesley Critz George (Ostara Publication edition, 2013). I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses. My remarks are enclosed in brackets, and most are supporting commentary.
    George argues that racial differences need to be considered and accounted for in formulating public policies (p. 4). [Unfortunately, for both Whites and Blacks and the world, George and people like him have been ignored. The dogma that racial differences, especially in intellect and behavior, are nonexistent or at most insignificant has prevailed in the United States and Europe for decades. As a result, both the United States and Europe are fading away and will soon be no more than a historical footnote. Most of today’s social, economic, and political problems are caused by this nihilist, egalitarian dogma.]
    In the sixteenth century, tyrants suppressed the science of astronomy that declared a heliocentric solar system. Today, tyrants suppress the science of racial genetics that declares that human races differ significantly genetically and this difference extends to intellect and behavior (p. 7). Racial egalitarians and racial nihilists have distorted scientific and historical facts to promote their agendas and dogmas (p. 7).
    Socialists are racial nihilists, or at least act like they are. They promote the notion that racial differences are insignificant or unimportant. Their underlying principle “is that human beings are plastic creatures who merely reflect their exterior environment” (p. 7). [This is Lysenkoism. Lysenkoism denies that genes have any effect on an organism. Environment is the sole determinant of the characteristics that an organism has. Lysenkoism was the official policy of the Soviet Union under Stalin.]
    Archibald Roosevelt notes in the introduction that he wrote for George’s book that no “intelligent anthropologist will claim that one race is superior in all counts to other races. The only thing a scientist can say is that one race is better fitted to certain conditions — better adapted in mind, and better adapted in body” (p. 8). Then he states that Blacks can thrive and reproduce in tropical forests where Whites perish in a generation or two. Blacks fare even better than any other race except perhaps Indo-Australians in such habitat. On the other hand, Whites do better in modern technical civilization than do Blacks. Unfortunately, for Whites and Blacks, the guiding dogma of the United States and Europe is “that all people must be forced into one common mold” (p. 8). Thus, people are forced to do things that are unnatural to them (pp. 8-9).
    Dr. Henry Garrett, who wrote the forward to George’s book, notes:

. . . all individuals are unequal at birth, and as they live and pursue their divergent ways tend to become even more unequal, i.e., their differences increase. This would be true even if we lived under identical conditions, ate the same bread, slept the same sleep, breathed the same air. No two individuals have the same complement of genes (except identical twins), and each of us possesses different qualities of mind and character. . . . What applies to the individual, applies in a broad sense to races of men. Races differ, too (pp 8-9).

    Garrett continues, “The equalitarian-collectivists argue — with no real evidence — that all men are born with equal endowment and can be kept equal if given the same opportunities and the same environment. . . . Yet this is the philosophy that dictates the social policies of our time” (p. 11).
    George writes:

If we can continue to develop a programme of friendly co-operation between the races, with separateness in social life, we can go forward in promoting the talents of the white man and the Negro and can contribute to the welfare and happiness of both. Otherwise, tragedy lies ahead for the American people (p. 13).

[America has ignored George’s advice. Now it is at the edge of the abyss that George feared.]
    He feared that integration and amalgamation of the races would lead to a breed of people incapable of maintaining the American civilization (p. 13). [In only a few decades, what he feared has happened. After nearly 60 years of forced integration, the American civilization is on its deathbed.]
    George observes that the White race has produced most of the civilizations of history. The Black race has produced none (p. 14). Then he remarks, “The creativeness, the productiveness, or the lack of such qualities, in man are related to and in large measure the result of their inherent natures. These inherent natures have a genetic or hereditary basis” (p. 14).
    Next George discusses heredity verse environment (pp. 14ff). Heredity dominates some characteristics, such as “general body form, skin texture and pigmentation” (pp. 14-15).
    He comments that:

. . . each race has a pool of genes different from the pool of genes of every other race, although some genes in the pool appear to be common to all races, probably to all mammals. This pool of genes is the major factor in determining the appearance of individuals of a race, and not only their bodily appearance but their reactions, their intellectual capacity and their accomplishments (pp. 15-16).

    Then he concludes, “The importance of heredity in the production of physical features is scarcely denied; but in the sphere of intellect and behaviour there is a campaign of denial of the importance of heredity” (p. 16). [This denial of the importance of heredity in the sphere of intellect and behavior is the guiding dogma of today. This dogma has brought a great deal of destruction to the Western world.]
    George goes into more detail about the influence of genes on intelligence (pp. 16ff). He cites several well-known authorities who show the importance of genes in determining intelligence.
    Then he discusses the intelligence of Blacks, whose intelligence on average is significantly less than that of Whites on average (pp. 17-19). He quotes Dr. Carothers, who spent his life working in mental hospitals in Africa:

The African has accordingly been described as conventional; highly dependent on physical and emotional stimulation; lacking in spontaneity, foresight, tenacity, judgment and humility; inapt for sound abstraction and for logic; given to phantasy and fabrication; and, in general, as unstable, impulsive, unreliable, irresponsible, and living in the present without reflection or ambition, or regard for the rights of others outside his own circle. To counteract these ruderies, he has also been described as cheerful, stoical, self-confident, sociable, loyal, emotionally intuitive, and eloquent, and as bearing no grudges and having an excellent memory, a large vocabulary, and an aptitude for music and the dance (p. 18).

    Next George comments on the high crime rate of Negroes (pp. 20-21) and Haiti (pp. 21-23). Haiti went from being the most productive colony in the Caribbean under White-man’s rule to one of the most impoverished countries in the world under Black-man's rule.
    George continues his discussion of race, heredity, and civilization with a quotation from Ernest Hooten, formerly head of the Department of Anthropology at Harvard:

The errors of humanitarianism are based on the assumption that it is under-privilege that makes the underdog, and that the potentialities for intellectual and cultural development are essentially equal in all men — in short upon the delusion that mind and social capacity in man are independent of the organism and that an equalization of opportunity will bring the millenium (p. 23).

    Next George discusses the race problem, integration, differences in intelligence, and other race-related issues (pp. 24ff).
    He discusses some of the political and religious slogans used to promote racial integration (pp. 26-27). [Many of these same slogans can easily be used to promote sexually integrated restrooms and locker rooms — and some have been.]
    First slogan: “[C]ompulsory mixing of the races is the democratic, American way” (p. 27). George replies, “That, of course, is false. The United States was founded and for 180 years has prospered on the principle of union and strength in diversity. Compulsory conformity and uniformity is not the American way; it is a perversion of the American way” (p. 27). [Today, diversity emphasizes and even demands conformity and uniformity.]
    Second slogan. “[T]here is no fundamental difference between men” (p. 27). George replies, “Most of us will admit that all men should be equal in their right to justice and fair play; but in the biological sense there is no truth in the quotation and it has no valid force or use in solving the race problem” (p. 27).
    Third slogan: “the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man" (p. 27). To this slogan, George replies, “Fatherhood and brotherhood are fine ideas and factual states, but they do not solve social problems without regard to other facts any more than they solve family problems. In reaching decisions on vital social problems we are admonished to disregard ‘race, creed, colour and national origin.’ These are all major facts of life” (p. 27).
    Fourth slogan: “[I]ntegration is the Christian way and that separation of the races is un-Christian” (p. 27). George replies, “It is not clear why anything should be accepted as Christian when its virtue has not been demonstrated” (p. 27).
    George identifies several reasons for opposing racial integration. One is the low moral behavior of Blacks and their high rate of crime (p. 29). [Since integration, Whites have adopted the low moral behavior of Blacks instead of Blacks adopting the high moral behavior of Whites. Moreover, integration has done nothing to reduce the Black crime rate.]
    Another reason for opposing racial integration is that racial integration leads to interracial mating. Interracial mating destroys the unique gene pool of both the White and Black races. Destruction of their gene pools devastates the unique abilities of both races (p. 30).
    George comments:

There is much evidence to show that the Caucasoid people, the white race, have creative talents and abilities that have not been demonstrated to any considerable extent by the Negro race. Great achievement in human individuals is correlated with a high degree of intelligence combined with a number of traits such as zeal, vigour, persistence, co-operativeness, adaptability, imagination, courage, self-confidence (p. 31).

    To dilute the gene pool of the White race with the genes of the Black race will bring to an end all the great religious, philosophical, political, artistic, engineering, medical, agricultural, and scientific advancements that the White race has given the world. Even the Negro has greatly benefitted from the achievements of the White race (pp. 33-34). [Is the annihilation of the White race being motivated by a desire to end these advancements?]
    Not only is intellect highly influenced by genetics, so are personality and various abilities (pp. 34-37).
    Some proponents of integration claim that integration will not lead to interracial marriages. [Marriage statistics disprove this claim.] George offers two examples to disprove this assertion: Portugal and Brazil.
    Portugal began importing Negro slaves in the mid-fifteenth century. The Portuguese interbred with these Blacks. Now many Portuguese display Negroid characteristics. Moreover, before racial amalgamation, Portugal was a first-class power. Now it is an insignificant nothing (p. 37).
    In Brazil, the Portuguese first interbred with the Indians and then with the imported Negro slaves. Today, Brazil has a highly mixed-breed population. It is a large country with a large population and is endowed with great natural resources. Yet it is still a backward country dependent on foreign aid (p. 37).
    Racial amalgamation will lead the United States down the road to Portugal and Brazil. [The United States are being so overwhelmed with non-White immigrants that amalgamation can only accelerate. Within a few generations, Whites will cease to exist in the United States. Furthermore, Europeans seem determined to annihilate the White race in Europe.]
    George overviews how the United States got into the racial mess that they were in when he wrote (pp. 38-40). [It is even worse today because Americans ignored the warnings of George and others like him. Because they ignored opponents of integration, White America will soon die. Sadly, many Whites look forward to that day with gladness. Oh, how they must hate themselves and their family. How they must hate the Negro to destroy him to destroy themselves.]
    He blames the clergy for America’s racial problems (pp. 38-41). About the clergy, George writes:

        They preach sociological sermons that will not stand the test of analysis, they pass resolutions, they quote the Golden Rule. They seem not to realize that quoting the Golden Rule does not answer the question. What is the right and moral thing to do? It merely raises the question. The admonition ‘Do unto others as you would have them do to you,’ applies not only to our relations with Negroes.
        It applies also to our children and to our children’s children through future generations. Do you think that the Golden Rule requires or permits that we make racial hybrids of our posterity? I hardly think so (pp. 38-39).

[The clergy is not only responsible for the race problem and the destruction of the White race; they are also responsible for many of America’s other problems — most of which are related to race. Because of them, the United States have become a tyrannical police state with the government spying on everyone. They are behind the endless war on terrorism to protect Israeli imperialism. The agendas of homosexuals and other sexual deviants have received much support from them. {Sexual integration is a natural outgrowth of racial integration.} Most support and promote unlimited non-White immigration, whether legal or illegal. Whether they support the destruction of America and the death of the White race out of ignorance or collaboration with the ruling elite is not known. However, most likely, it is the latter for most clergy.]
    George remarks, “The National Council of Churches and its predecessor, the Federal Council of Churches, have for many years made racial integration one of their main objectives” (p. 39). [The National Council of Churches is an illuministic front to promote the agenda of the ruling elite in religious circles.]
    George concludes his admonishment of the clergy, “By all means let us be kind, generous and helpful to Negroes and all men, but let us rid ourselves of the delusion that Christianity requires us to sacrifice our children and our children’s children to the cause of integration.” [Contrary to the teachings of the integrationist clergy, God does not demand the sacrifice of our children. He abhors such sacrifice.]
    Next George asks, “Shall we submit to programs designed to convert the American Caucasian race into an American mulatto race?” (p. 42). [As the last 50 years have shown, Americans chose to convert the American Caucasian race into an American mulatto race. The domestic Negro was not achieving this goal fast enough. So they open the borders to unlimited non-White immigrants. The White race, which many consider the cancer of the universe, must be eradicated! Naively, George thought that if the people knew the truth about genetics, race, and racial amalgamation, they would turn from the destructive effects of integration. Most did not and do not care to learn the truth — even those who opposed coercive big government. Of the few who care to learn, most will ignore it. All fear being called “racist” — a fear instilled with decades of propaganda by the ruling elite. So controlling has this fear become that nearly all Whites declare that they are not racists before they make a comment about race. Non-Whites can discuss race openly and frankly without fear. Whites cannot.]
    George remarks:

        It should make a great deal of difference in many of our human affairs whether man is in the main an environmentally dominated creature or whether genetic heredity plays a major role in our lives.
        Instead of seeking the facts bearing on these questions, environmentalism has been accepted and promoted as a dogma by those attempting to bring about socialism, communism, amalgamation of the races, and by the left wing generally. The scientific evidence they present is virtually non-existent, and yet we have been driven ahead into what may be very foolish programs (p. 43).

[The ruling elite and its lackeys and toadies do not care what the science shows. Environmentalism supports their dogma of statism, which transfers all wealth and power to them. To achieve this goal, they must annihilate the White race. Only the White race stands between them and their goal. The irony is that most of the ruling elite is White. Are they to be among those killed? Probably. Behind them is Lucifer, and his objective is to annihilate the White race by amalgamation or other means because it is the race created in God’s image.]
    About a minister who declared “that love is the ultimate solution of the race problem” (p. 43), George writes:

        Any one worthy of being the shepherd of a flock should know that unrestrained and unguided love has led many people to tragedy.
        By all means, love should be involved in considering human affairs including race relations; but love is not necessarily wisdom and it does not eliminate the necessity for making judgments based on fact and reason (pp. 43-44).

    Then he remarks that this type of sophistry fills academia. Academia tries “to instill the idea that in human affairs the inherent nature of the seed corn is of little concern — that only the conditions of cultivation are important” (p. 44).
    Committing on political, religious, and academic leaders controlling and manipulating people, George writes, “In our present situation emotional words like ‘brotherhood’ and ‘love’ are made to do useful service for those who wish to manipulate people. ‘Prejudice,’ ‘racism,’ ‘bigotry’ are also signal words used to produce rejection responses while evading truth and reason” (p. 45).
    Regarding funding racial genetics research, George observes, “No money seems available to search out the truth although money is available from government and foundations to establish the dogma without the truth” (p. 45). [The same situation is found with the global warming dogma. Plenty of research money is available to show that human activity is the primary, if not the sole, cause of global warming. {Such finding gives the ruling elite something that they can use to scare the masses into giving the ruling elite more power over the masses.} Little or no money is available for research that questions global warming and that shows man’s contribution is insignificant.]
    To refute the environmentalists’ assertion that good schools are needed to produce eminent men and, therefore, schools need to be integrated, George offers examples of some eminent men, most of whom were born in poverty, and all of whom had little or no formal schooling (p. 47).
        George notes two primary factors that determine one’s life and achievements:

    1. The pool of genes assembled when the egg is fertilized in the womb.
    2. The concatenation of events in the prenatal and postnatal environments in which the genes operate. As evidence continues to accumulate, the importance of genes becomes increasingly clear (pp. 47-48).

    Next George discusses the importance of genes on intellect and behavior (pp. 49ff). Genetics has a good deal of impact on personality traits, specifically dominance-submissiveness (p. 49). Intelligence has been found to have “about the same genetic correlation as do physical features” (p. 49).
    About the problem of low-grade intelligence, George quotes Bradley Patten, formerly head of anatomy at the University of Michigan:

The most serious defects of the nervous system from the standpoint of human progress are neither extremely manifest or clinically remediable. They become evident only as an individual develops and proves to have an intelligence level too low to cope successfully with the problems of living in our modern complex and highly competitive society. As far as we know the background of such situations, it is the old and inexorable law of ‘like begetting like’ . . . But the fact remains that to have a good brain one must choose ancestors with good brains, just as one must stem from physically sound stock if one is to have a good body. . . (p. 50).

    Then George adds:

A mouse, a seal, an elephant, a frog, a bird, or a man behaves according to his kind because he has inherited the brain of his kind. His brain, which guides his behavior, is of course embedded in and influenced by the matrix of his other organs and the body is embedded in and influenced by the matrix of the general environment (p. 50).

    Next George cites a few leaders in the field of neuroanatomy and neurology (pp. 49-53) to show that the brain is much more complex than “a mass of homogenous wax” (p. 51). People need “to look upon the mind as some transcendental essence” (p. 51). Studies have shown “that there is a striking relation between brain size, histological brain structure and learning capacity” (p. 53).
    George cites several studies on the development of the brain in infancy. These studies show “that most of the material substrate of mind (nerve cells and their fibers) develop before kindergarten age — only about ten percent after that age” (p. 57).
    He adds:

Experience, including schooling, undoubtedly exercises an important function in imprinting memory vestiges and in selectively facilitating synaptic transmission of impulses, but it is not evident that it can contribute significantly, if indeed at all, in adding to the inherited material basis of the mind (p. 57).

    George remarks, “That there are many hereditary racial features, not evident to the casual observer, has been revealed by scientific researches” (p. 57). Then he identifies some pathological conditions that are hereditary and vary with race (pp. 57-59). He concludes, “Race is not merely skin deep” (p. 59).
    Next George compares the Negro and White brains (pp. 59-62). Two important factors have been found:

    1. [T]he average weight of adult male Negro brains is about ten percent less than the average weight of adult male White brains. And it has been established that intelligence in mammalian animal groups is correlated with the size of the brain. We have seen above that there is such a correlation also in the growing child.
    2. Through microscopic study of many brains it has been revealed that there is a similarly significant difference in the two races in the thickness of the supragranular layers of the cortex — the layers that are credited with being those portions of the cortex most directly involved in the higher mental functions (p. 59).

    George concludes, “It appears then that the Negro race is at a disadvantage in his mechanism for intellectual activity just as he is at an advantage through pigmentation for protection against the harmful effects of a tropical sun” (p. 60).
    He notes that the anatomical differences in the brains of the two races probably account for “the average Negro score on IQ and educational achievement tests [being] about 20% below the average White score” (p. 60). Also, the “high scores near the gifted-child level are 6-7 times as frequent among White children” (p. 60). During the 1950s and early 1960s, after a generation of compulsory schooling, 67.2 percent of Black inductees and enlistees were rejected because they failed the military education tests while only 18.9 percent of the Whites were rejected (p. 60). [Anyone who claims this disparity was caused by segregated schools is in effect claiming that Black teachers were too stupid or too incompetent to teach Black pupils.]
    George notes that the differences in the brains of Whites and Blacks may explain “why extensive integration of Negro and White children in schools has been a failure and destructive of the educational process” (p. 61).
    George states:

But in light of the historical record of the Negro race and their current behavior it seems highly probable that the hybrid blending of Negro and White nervous systems in the formation of a mulatto race would have a harmful effect on our civilization (p. 62).

    He adds, “It becomes therefore a matter of great importance that our people and politicians should be made aware of racial differences known to exist and the nature of hybrid mixing of genetic characters” (p. 62). [Many are aware of racial differences but have no desire to prevent racial amalgamation. Politicians like failed policies. Failed policies allow them to argue for more control and money, higher taxes. Moreover, if the genetic component is insignificant or nonexistent, the racial differences are caused solely by the environment. Attempting to manipulate the environment to overcome racial differences concentrates more power in the hands of the politicians and their owners. Also, environmentalism supports the prevailing and guiding ideology of the United States: equalitarian Marxism. {The 10 planks of the Communist Manifesto have been almost fully implemented.} Innate genetic differences do not. Furthermore, some desire total annihilation of the White race because they are filled with hatred. {Why would anyone want to breed a race out of existence, which is genocide, unless hatred is the motivation?} Most people just tremble in fear of being labeled a racist and, therefore, do not oppose racial amalgamation. {The great irony is that Whites who fear being called “racist” are already considered racists by non-Whites, and they can do nothing to change this no matter how much they grovel.}]
    George asks, “Is it too much to hope for an open minded consideration by politicians and the public of the facts vital to our problems?” (p. 62). [Yes. Most Whites would rather be tortured to death than to be thought of as racists. Most non-Whites like things the way they are: Whites cowering before their demands.]
    George states:

If intelligence, behavior, and achievement are primarily due to something within ourselves, then the genetic composition of our population is a matter of major concern for social planning but if they are brought forth primarily by external factors then social engineers and statesmen should be primarily concerned with manipulating environment (p. 63).

    He argues that social policies should be based on genetics being the primary determinant of intelligence, behavior, and achievement. He presents evidence to support his argument (pp. 63ff).
    To overcome the difference in achievement between Blacks and Whites, the government has made various programs to raise the socioeconomic environment of Black infants and preschool children. Being unable to overcome the genetic component, these programs have done little to close the gap (p. 64). [However, they have cost a great deal — thus, making some rich. More importantly from a statist perspective, they have given the government much more control over the people.]
    In conclusion, George writes, “We should try at least to ameliorate our race problems by more hopeful means than compulsory programs that violate established biological truths. The establishment of schools fitted to the Negroes’ intellectual talents would be a step in the right direction” (p. 66).
    Summarizing his book, he writes:

        1. Powerful forces in the world are trying to foist on the people an educational and social revolution based on the equalitarian dogma.
        2. This equalitarian dogma is unsupportable on the basis of scientific facts.
        3. Individual organisms including man vary in their genetic constitution, not merely in the effects of environment on body and personality.
        4. Genes are potent determining factors not merely for gross morphology and superficial features but for many, perhaps most, features down to molecular structure, including brains and consequently behavior.
        5. Biological racial features are numerous and all pervasive and involve the brain as well as externally visible characters (p. 67).

    [Racial integration is part of the illuministic program to transfer all wealth and power to a small number of illuminists. However, the primary purpose of racial integration is racial amalgamation. The purpose of racial amalgamation is the annihilation of the White, Aryan, Adamic, race — the race created in God’s image.
    At the time that George wrote, the major racial issue was White versus Black. For the most part, the American Indian issues have faded. If he were to write today, he would have focused a good deal on the exploding Turanian invasion — mostly from Mexico and other Latin American countries and the Far East (Japan, Korea, China, and the Philippines). Another important race that he would need to consider is the Melanochroi — mostly from India, Pakistan, the Arabian peninsula, and Somalia. Percentage-wise, the Melanochroi is probably the fastest-growing race in the United States. He would surely be weeping over the death of the White race and, thereby, the death of the American civilization.
    George feared that the mongrelization of the White race with the Black race would bring down America. As important as mongrelization is to the demise of the White race, genocide through replacement has become more important. Massive third-world non-White immigration is overwhelming White America and annihilating it. Whites will soon be a minority in their own country.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 3

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 3

Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 6, Putnam discusses questions sent to him after his book Race and Reason was published. [Only a few of these questions are presented below.]
    He is accused of increasing tension without offering a solution. Putnam responds:

The heart of the Negro problem lies in establishing the correct answer to one question, namely, are the Negro’s limitations the result of his bad environment or is his bad environment the result of his limitations? Can we, by making every effort to improve the Negro’s surroundings and education, reach the root cause of his comparative performance, or is it a matter of innate racial differences? Every public policy concerning race will be decided differently depending on the answer given to that question. . . . [I]f the answer is environment, policies will be the direct opposite of what they will be if the answer is genetics (p. 96).

[The race policies of the United States for more than 50 years have been based on the answer being environment. After spending hundreds of billions of dollars to improve and raise the environment of Blacks, little has changed. If anything, things are worse. According to most social indicators, such as divorce, abortion, illegitimate births, and crime, things are worse now than 60 years ago when the environmental dogma began being adopted into law. As Putnam notes, we need to adopt policies based on racial differences being predominately genetic.]
    Some asked, assuming the inferiority of the Negro, “[W]hy is it necessary to believe that intermarriage would necessarily lower the quality of human beings produced and thus the quality of American civilization?” Putnam answers:

Scientific evidence and practical experience regarding the intelligence of large unselected groups, and their creative achievements, show that Negroes as a group, in this country and across the world, have appreciably lower average intelligence scores and a vastly lower creative record throughout history. If we absorb twenty million largely uncreative Negroes into our White gene pool, the mixed product may be expected to lack the combination of qualities (insight, foresight, intelligence and drive) necessary to maintain and advance American civilization (p. 100).

[More importantly, God condemns interracial marriages (v. False Biblical Teachings on the Origins of the Races and Interracial Marriages, People of the Flood, and “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation” all by Thomas Allen). Moreover, integration results in genocide (v. Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Allen).]
    One person noted studies showing that White and Black infants up to 40 weeks revealed no differences and concluded that differences after that result from socioeconomic factors. Putnam replies, “[T]he lower centers of the brain and nervous system, in human beings and in animals, are the ones which mature first; the higher centers mature last. Therefore similarity of performance in the early stages of life signifies nothing as to adult potentiality” (p. 102). [Furthermore, studies show that genetics is much more important than socioeconomic status in determining cognitive abilities.]
    Another comment is that “man alone is capable of culture and that cultural influences counteract and invalidate all your animal analogies and your references to evolutionary structure” (p. 103). To this comment, Putnam writes:

This question contains a non sequitur. It is true that man alone is capable of culture but it does not follow that these influences overbalance structure. On the contrary we have seen that in the case of human beings heredity overbalances environment by a ratio of about three to one. This is just another way of saying that structure overbalances culture by the same ratio (p. 103).   

He adds:

[W]henever you hear an integrationist talk about the “cultural deprivation” which the Negro has suffered. The expression has become a cliche to account for all the Negro’s limitations. It is meaningless because you cannot speak of depriving a race of something it is, on the average, incapable of possessing (p. 104)

    To the question that achievement (economic, academic, artistic, and managerial) depends on much more than innate intelligence and brain size, Putnam responds:

        I have mentioned the probability that the development of the frontal lobes has a relation to planning, foresight and motivation — the use of intelligence. If this be true, then the brain is still involved in many attributes which might not be called intelligence in the narrowest sense.
        Beyond this we may say that a man’s character is the product not only of his brain and entire nervous system but also of his glands and internal secretions, which interact with his nervous system. Negroes differ from Whites in these secretions.
        Finally, there is that one-quarter contribution by environment. But with full allowance for these things, it still remains true that brain size is related to achievement. There is no contradiction (p. 107).

    Putnam is asked, “How is the Government of Liberia so stable?” He answers:

Because it is essentially a political dictatorship, supported economically by Firestone and the Bona Hills Iron mines. Although Liberia was founded by supposedly freedom-loving Negroes from America, the League of Nations was obliged to intervene in 1930 to stop the slave trade. It was found that the President and some of his highest officials were implicated. The President had to resign (p. 110).

Then he gives some statistics about the deplorable conditions of Liberia (p. 110).
    Some offer Brazil as a good example of a multiracial society and ask why should not the United States emulate Brazil. Putnam doubts if many Americans want the United States to become another Brazil. [It seems that the ruling elite who control the U.S. government want the United States to become another Brazil — not only as a multiracial society but also politically and economically.] He notes that the most backward parts of Brazil have the greatest concentration of Negro genes. The most advanced parts have the smallest concentration of Negro genes. He compares Brazil with the United States and shows that the United States have a much longer life expectancy (35-40 years for Brazil and 67 years for the United States) and a much greater per capita gross national product ($200 for Brazil and $2823 for the United States) (pp. 110-111). [Putnam’s data are circa 1967. In 2015, the life expectancy in Brazil was 74, and in the United States, 79. In 2015, the gross domestic product for Brazil was $8802 and for the United States, $55,904.]
    Some reference scientists who assert that the burden of proof for innate racial inequality is on the racists [v. "Who Is a Racist" by Thomas Allen] to prove their superiority. Putnam finds this assertion pathetic. He retorts, “The burden of proof is upon those who would contradict all previously accepted fact and experience, and who would alter all previously established custom. As for the evidence itself, there is no evidence for equality” (p. 112).
    One asked why most Negroes raised in the U.S. segregated schools cannot qualify for U.S. colleges while many foreign Negroes can? In response, Putnam cites a report commissioned by the Ford and Carnegie foundations that shows that too many students from Asia and Africa had a difficult time in American colleges (p. 113). He also cites a report based on “a study of 1278 Northern college students, [which showed that] those Negroes from Southern segregated schools did better than Negroes from Northern integrated schools” (p. 113).
    One asks Putnam to explain Negro children have higher aspirations than White children. Putnam answers, “Negroes have very high aspirations, often based on envy, but these are not matched by their performance.  It is because of their high aspirational level that Negroes want the short cuts which they are unable to create themselves” (p. 115). [Thus, they cowed spineless politicians and judges into imposing integration, affirmative action, quotas, and the like that legally favored Blacks over Whites.]
    Some commenters remark that I.Q. increases when students in a poor educational climate are placed in a better one. Putnam replies “. . . when you give two groups of different potential the same education you do not decrease the gap between them. You increase it, because the group with the higher potential will derive more from the education” (pp. 116-117). [People who make these types of comments are implying that Black teachers are inferior to White teachers as teachers are the primary determinant of the educational climate. I.Q. is the primary determinant of how well a student will do.]
    One person notes that I.Q. tests have been standardized for White populations. He asks how they can have any validity for Blacks. Putnam answers:

The American Negro speaks English, has grown up in an American culture and should experience no handicap in taking “White tests.” The Japanese in California don’t. Moreover, the Negro must live in our White society. What we are trying to measure is his ability to adapt to our society and to contribute to it. To the extent that the Negro does experience difficulty in taking White tests to just that extent will the nature of his mind be alien to the White mind. We have a culture based on abstract thought. The Negro is poor at abstract thinking. If this shows up in a test it does not invalidate the test. It confirms its validity (p. 117).   

[Studies show that Blacks score better on “culturally biased” tests than they do on culturally neutral tests.]
    Another asks why should a democratic society care about intermarriage of different I.Q. groups, i.e., intermarriage of Blacks and Whites. Putnam replies:

A democratic society ought to care about the qualities in its population which have made it capable of becoming and maintaining a stable, free civilization. No Negro population has ever been able to do this; . . . therefore, to the extent that a successful free society absorbs a Negro population, to that same extent will its success decline (p. 121).

    Another question is that since the I.Q. of Black and White students overlaps, why not divide classes by individual ability instead of race? Putnam answers, “[E]ducability is a matter of more than I.Q., and overlap in I.Q. does not necessarily mean overlap in other important factors” (p. 122). He adds, “[T]here is a basic human need for self-identification with one’s own kind which is part of the healthy psychological development of every individual” (p. 123).
    One commenter states “that the lack of perfect evidence of the Negro’s inequality (inferiority) is no reason to assume that he is equal. Is it not equally true that imperfect evidence of his equality is no reason to assume he is inferior” (p. 127). Putnam responds that this person assumes “that the evidence is equal, in amount and in imperfection, on each side. The truth of the matter is that the evidence is overwhelming on the side of inequality — indeed I know of no evidence at all on the side of equality” (p. 127).
    When asked, “Is not the right to integrate a constitutional right,” Putnam answers, “There is no ‘right’ to integration, either in our constitution, our moral code, or our religious precepts” (p. 128). Then he uses the example of segregating restrooms by sex. Because he is not allowed to use the ladies’ restroom, he has not been denied “equal rights” or “civil rights.” Nor has he been made a second-class citizen deprived of “human rights” (p. 128). [As the transgender agenda moves forward, courts will begin to order the integration of restrooms. The plaintiffs will argue, and the courts will accept that argument, that when a transgender person, or anyone else, is denied the use of the restroom of his choice, he has been denied “equal rights” and “civil rights” and has been made a second-class citizen deprived of “human rights.”] He concludes, “The Negro’s so-called ‘constitutional’ right to integration derives solely from the Supreme Court's decision in the Brown case. . . .  [T]his case was based upon misrepresentation and concealment of vital evidence bearing upon the genetic issue” (p. 128).
    Putnam is asked if the treatment of the Negro limits his equality of opportunity. He answers, “In the majority of cases the Negro’s failure is not due to a lack of opportunity but to a lack of capability. It is always easy to blame the latter on the former because opportunity itself is not easy to define” (p. 133). [To prove that Blacks are not deprived of equal opportunity, courts and federal agencies have forced businesses and institutions to resort to quotas, usually covertly but often overtly. This action has resulted in hiring or promoting lesser-qualified Blacks over more-qualified Whites. So much for White privilege.] He notes, “Most Negroes with intelligence and character have made their way very well in the United States” (p. 133) He gives an example of a highly successful Negro.
    Some people blame segregation for the lynchings, bombings, shootings, beatings, and unjust jailing of Blacks in the South. Putnam responds, “Segregation has not been the cause of [these] crimes . . .; the cause has been the attempt at force integration” (p. 138). To which he adds, “To the extent that crimes against the Negro were previously committed by Whites in the South, these were few in comparison to those committed by the Negro against other Negroes” (p. 138). [Even today, Negro crime victims are much more likely to be a victim of a Black criminal than of a White criminal (v. “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen).]
    One person asked, “[H]ow much do you think segregation has to do with causing the Negro to have such low moral standards, low I.Q., and high rate of illegitimate births and disease?” (p. 138).  Putnam answered, “If a patient has a contagious illness and is segregated from the public, for the public’s protection, how much does this have to do with the patient’s having the illness?” (p. 139). [In other words, these attributes contribute to segregation; they are not caused by it.]
    To the accusation that segregation enforces poverty, Putnam replies, “Segregation does not enforce poverty. The Jews have frequently been segregated throughout history, but they have not been made poor” (pp. 138-139). [Jews have been discriminated against for many more centuries than have Blacks. Yet their wealth far exceeds their numbers. Today, Whites are discriminated against in favor of Blacks, yet on average they are wealthier than Blacks. Segregation is not the cause of poverty. Low cognitive ability is.]
    After the Goldwater defeat in 1964, many believed that the Republican party needed a broader base and needed to be more attractive to minority groups. Putnam replies, “When you please the Negro bloc, without carefully examining what you do, you are apt to be injecting into the bloodstream of the body politic the virus of collapse. The body politic in our case may be strong enough to stand a certain amount of such a virus, but it is bound to be weakened by it, and can be destroyed in the long run” (p. 141). [Today we are living in the long run and are witnessing the destructive effects of the virus injected in the 1960s. The United States are close to collapse with open borders and unlimited immigration contributing to the deterioration of the economy and political system. The descendants of the White founders will soon cease being a majority in their own country. The federal republic of liberty, limited government, free market economy, and rule of law is on its deathbed. The United States are becoming a third-world country with oppression, corruption, controlled markets, arbitrary rule of man, and anti-White socioeconomic policies. The egalitarians have won; liberty has lost.]
    One person noted that the Supreme Court decided the Brown case on “the grounds that separate but equal schools for Whites and Negroes are inherently unequal and thus violate the 14th Amendment” (p. 141). Putnam responds, “Vassar and Yale are separate, but they are not inherently unequal. The inequality, if such it be, in the case of the separation of Negroes and Whites can result solely from the implication of inferiority” (p.144). He continues:

Now when evidence exists, but is not introduced at a trial, which indicates not only that integration increases the sense of inferiority as compared with segregation, but also that neither segregation nor integration creates the inferiority which is due rather to innate limitations and is thus a fact of life, do you . . . or the Fifth Circuit mean to say that this evidence has no bearing on the issues . . . (pp. 142-143)

    To the comment that his views conflict with Christ’s view that all men are brothers, Putnam responds with a quotation from Weyl and Possony: “If my brother is a cripple, do I treat him as if he were physically sound? If he is mentally retarded, does a brotherly attitude consist in pretending that he is normal” (p. 144).
    One objects to discussing racial differences because it angers and humiliates the Negro. Putnam replies that this is a trained response by Negroes. The cause of the Negro’s anger results from the While liberal, communist, and other egalitarians teaching him that his differences result from White injustice. This inflames him against Whites. “The average Negro honestly believes himself the victim of injustice and oppression, whereas the truth is he has had endless help from the White race” (p. 145). Putnam notes that Blacks in America have received more aid than anywhere else in the world. He concludes, “The Negro’s present behavior is entirely a taught reaction based upon fraud. The cure for this sort of sickness is to teach the truth” (p. 145). [The only thing that has changed over the last 50-plus years is that Blacks demand more and receive more. Whites are literally killing themselves feeding the avarice of Blacks and other races. What will Blacks do once they have exterminated the White race? Look to Black Africa for the answer unless they are fortunate enough to live under Chinese oppression.]
    When asked, “How do you know our culture is superior,” Putnam answers, “Because the other cultures envy us, not vice versa. They not only want our money and other fruits of our achievement; they would like to enter our society if they could” (p. 148).
    Putnam is asked to define “leftist.” He defines a leftist as:

a person who believes in taking the money out of the pocket of the man who earned it and giving it to somebody else. To be a bit more cynical, often he is a man who seeks legal ways of stealing from the top in order to buy the support of the bottom. He is a man who lays stress on the Commandment “Love thy neighbor” and never mentions the Commandments “Thou shalt not covet” or “Thou shalt not steal” (p. 148).

    Envy is the driving motivation behind the hardcore leftists. He adds:

        Envy of our Anglo-American civilization, and of the qualities of mind and character which built it, is widespread among certain races, and operates in the same way — there is a strong drive to dispense its benefits to everybody while denigrating the source as “Puritan” or “reactionary”. . . .
        The leftist in the racial area seeks to take by force the hard-earned and long cherished customs, traditions, standards and other social and political attributes of our White society and distribute and share them with Negroes. . . .
        [Leftist tax] success, enterprise and thrift to support failure, indolence and improvidence (Pp. 147-148).

[Leftist policies as defined by Putnam have brought the United States to the abyss of destruction. If things do not soon change, the United States will fall into the abyss and become irrevocably and irreplaceably lost.]
    Commenting on compassion and charity toward the poor, one person concludes that the government ought to take an active role in carrying out this idea. Putnam notes that when the government acts, it is no longer charity. “The government takes by force from some and gives to others” (p. 157). [The government not only takes money by force to give to the poor, but it also takes money to give to the rich, e.g., corporate welfare like banker bailouts following the 2008 crash.]
    To the communist doctrine “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need,” Putnam offers an analogy:

Picture a thug with a blackjack on a dark street. He slugs a passerby and steals his wallet. The thug has a need, the passerby has the ability to satisfy it. So the wallet changes hands. Such a philosophy can only result in hanging a millstone around the necks of diligence, enterprise and foresight while encouraging indolence, shiftlessness and theft (p.152).

Then he notes that when government and society excuse and appease bad behavior, more bad behavior is generated (pp. 151-151).
    About the concept of a world unified in brotherhood, Putnam replies, “A man who loves all countries, and all races, as much as he loves his own, is like the man who loves all women as much as he loves his wife. He merits suspicion” (p. 152).
    About church leaders who claim that the Christian religion demands integration, Putnam writes:

        I am puzzled by the attitude of churchmen nowadays who seem to think the Christian religion demands they support policies which are certain to lead to the aforesaid plucking down. They appear to care little for the heritage bequeathed them by their forebears, or for the millenniums of self-denial and self-discipline that have been a part of the growth of Western civilization and its codes of honor and decency.
        They nimbly forget the effort and sacrifice — and the handing on of a torch — through countless generations. This is the trust which they now propose to abandon. But before they dissipate so many of those values which their ancestors committed to their keeping, let such as these remember the words of Paul to the Corinthians. “It is required in stewards that a man be found faithful” (pp. 153-154).

    When asked what he would do if he were a Negro, Putnam replied, that he would find work within his limitation and be content with it. Then he adds that Negroes often refuse jobs for which they are suited because they have been taught that they are too good for such jobs. Instead, they “loiter or riot in slums, cursing society, and hugging the illusion that they are the victims of injustice. Instead they are the victims of a false conception of themselves, and the only injustice in the situation is due to the leftists who misled them” (p. 157).
    When asked about the treatment of Negroes in America, Putnam answers, “The White man owes the Negro nothing. If there are any debts outstanding, they are owed by the Negro to the White man” (p. 158). Then he lists some of the things that Blacks owe to Whites: “hospitals, medicines, schools, food, opportunity, and a standard of living he could not possibly have acquired for himself” (p. 158). [To this day, Blacks continue to maintain that Whites owe them. Most Blacks believe that Black labor in the form of slaves built America. They believe, if the thought ever occurs to them, that the White man’s intelligence, ingenuity, foresight, accumulated wealth, institutions, etc. contributed little or nothing to the building of America — only their exploitation of Black slave labor built the country. Regrettably, far too many Whites also believe this nonsense. America would have been built without any Black labor. It would be a better country if the Negro were never brought here. It would be a country without racial strife where people are hired based on their cognitive ability instead of their race. The highly destructive welfare state may have never come into being. Thus, the productive would not be debilitated by having their wealth stolen to support the indolent, unproductive, and poor. Furthermore, the indolent, unproductive, and poor would not be reduced to being wards of the state. Perhaps more importantly, if Blacks never came here, today’s Whites would not be sniveling, spineless, self-hating, cowards destroying themselves and their country and culture to feed the insatiable demands of Blacks. Today most Whites believe that no sacrifice made by Whites for Blacks is too great — including the annihilation of the White race, to which many Whites look forward with great joy. (This may in part explain why Whites are failing to reproduce at a rate high enough to replace their stock.)]
    A Southern commenter noted that if Southerners raised the question about racial differences, the South would “lose the sympathy and help of Northern conservatives who are with us on states’ rights, decentralized government, and similar issues” (p. 166). In response, Putnam voices his complaint against Northern conservatives:

The latter [Northern conservatives] make good whipping-boys for liberals and that is about all. When they win elections they do it by providing a slight variant in liberalism; when they lose, they do it on grounds that make them a public laughing stock. They appear as hard-bitten, discredited economic reactionaries, longing for a depression, while the American people are enjoying the greatest and most widely distributed prosperity in history (p. 166).

[Not much has changed. Once in office, one can hardly notice any difference between “conservatives” and “liberals.” They may differ only slightly in philosophy and policies. Their biggest difference is in rhetoric.] Putnam notes that conservatives consistently avoid using the racial issue [except to exceed liberals in unconditional surrender to Blacks] although it is a winning issue. [With the declared war on the White race and the fear, self-hatred, and cowardice instilled in Whites, raising the race issue may now lose more votes than it would gain.]
    In response to how the South mistreats the Negro, Putnam quotes a Georgian businessman who served on several juries during his life. The businessman said, “In all my experience in the courts I have never seen a Negro get justice. What he got was mercy” (p. 168).
    In Chapter 8, Putnam makes some concluding remarks about suppressing the truth about racial differences. He saw:

         . . . an Anglo-American majority battered and divided on other issues, guilt-ridden and bemused by the equalitarian dogma; one observed a mass media saturating the public with a scientific fraud promoted by a hierarchy whose aim was not the search for truth but political propaganda; one found ignorant political and judicial leaders, with mediocre minds and little moral stamina, drawn from a society whose human resources had been emasculated by two generations of compromise and appeasement. These were some of the results of the destruction. But they were not the source.
        Nor could the source lie in the humanitarian impulse itself. The drive for social justice and the awakening of sympathy for the unfortunate were both good (p. 182).

    The real crime is using good to promote evil “. . . with the trend toward sympathy with failure — toward encouragement of the underdog — had grown a tendency to disparage the superior and to fawn upon the inferior” (p. 183). Thus, the egalitarian dogma contains “within itself not only the seeds of its own proliferation, but of general collapse as well” (p. 183). He writes:

[I]n condemning the concept of inferiority, our society necessarily had had to destroy the concept of superiority, for one could not exist without the other. With its destruction had come the death of respect for authority, of pride in the achievements of the past, of reverence for tradition, of the wisdom to honor the heritage of one’s family, one’s race and one’s country (pp. 183-184).

Worst of all has been “the death of that quality in superior men which sprang from confidence not only in their own personal excellence but in that of their kind and race” (p. 184). With his death “passed the genius of true leadership” (p. 184). It is the quality that gives “men the courage to tell the truth” (p. 184). The only hope for America, the West, and the White race is to kill the egalitarian lie of racial equality. Only when Whites learn and accept the truth about racial differences can they save their race, countries, and civilization. [Unfortunately, it may be too late for Whites to save themselves and their country and culture. To reverse 60-plus years of lies and propaganda of the false dogma of egalitarianism within a few years that Whites have left may be too much to expect. Such a task will require such fortitude that the world has not seen since the Confederate army.]
    [Putnam believes that scientists have misled political leaders with their egalitarian, socialistic ideology promoting racial equality while suppressing the vast body of evidence showing the inequality of the races, especially of the White and Negro races (for example, see page 166). On the contrary, the political leaders, who lust for power, are not being misled. They know that the egalitarian philosophy of race, economy, etc. concentrates more power into their hands. Thus, they promote the egalitarian scientists while ignoring the honest nonegalitarian scientists. He believes that if our political leaders knew the truth about the races being unequal, they would act differently. Most likely, they would not. Most probably do know the truth.
    Putnam also fails to realize that the super-rich, the moneyed interest, control the politicians, socialists, communists, and other egalitarians including egalitarian scientists. (V. the Illuminist series by Thomas Allen.) To the extent that he recognizes their involvement, he considers it irrelevant. To him discussing the involvement of international bankers is like discussing the Constitution or states’ rights. It avoids the issue of racial inequality.
    Each race, like each individual, differs in temperament, intelligence, character,  etc. These differences are as much, if not more, genetic as they are environmental. For the betterment of mankind, egalitarianism has to be abandoned. As the lesser cannot be raised to the level of the greater, the greater must be suppressed to the level of the lesser. Thus, egalitarianism demands the suppression of the greater to the detriment of mankind. Society needs to be organized so that each race and individual can develop to its highest capabilities and potential.
    An irony of egalitarianism is that the more successful egalitarians are at equalizing the environment of the populace, the more genetics determines I.Q. For more about genetics dominating cognitive ability, see The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Inheritance of Mental Ability by Cyrll Bur, Man’s Racial Nature and Race and Politics: the Racial Controversy by H.B. Isherwood, Race Difference in Intelligence by John C. Loehlin, Major Findings from Twin Studies of Ability, Personality, and Interests by Robert C. Nichols, Racial Difference in Mental Growth and School Achievements by R. Travis Osborne. Race, Intelligence and Bias in Academe by Roger Pearson, Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective by J. Philippe Rushton, A Question of Intelligence: The IQ Debate in America by Daniel Seligman, and Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Coley Allen.
    Dear reader, before you attempt to argue with an egalitarian about racial inequality, you need to heed the advice of a Southerner whom Putnam quotes:

“Any man who thinks that the average Negro is innately the intellectual equal of the average White man is too dumb to argue with” (p. 6).]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

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Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 2

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 2

Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 3, Putnam discusses the “statistics regarding the current performance of the Negro as a race in America” (p. 46). He presents evidence that the Black race is not equal to the White race.
    He begins with the following facts:

The American Negro on the average produced per capita eight times as many illegitimate children, six times as many feeble-minded adults, nine times as many robberies, seven times as many rapes and ten times as many murders as the White man. Conversely the Negro race produced one-sixth as many individuals with an Intelligence Quotient over 130, that is, in the gifted person category (p. 46).

These data are early 1960s data. [Unfortunately for the Negro and America, these statistics have not improved. After 50 years of integration, civil rights, war on poverty, special privileges like affirmative action and quotas, the media and scientific propaganda machine promoting racial equality, a court system skewed in favor of the Negro, Blacks have made no real progress.  If anything, these statistics have gotten worse. This 50-year experiment with racial equality has not raised Blacks, but it has lowered Whites. This experiment is destroying the White race, America, and Europe. Has this destruction been the real objective of the racial equality agenda all along?]
    Putnam discusses Haiti, the only completely Black-ruled country in the Western Hemisphere, which has been independent since 1804, and the disaster that it is (pp. 46-47). He offers the inability of Blacks to govern themselves effectively as evidence against racial egalitarians (pp. 47-48).
    He also remarks that the egalitarian likes to confuse evidence with proof. If one piece of evidence in isolation fails to prove conclusively racial inequality, the racial egalitarians claim that racial inequality has been disproved (p. 48).
    His second piece of evidence for racial inequality is the innate differences between the White’s and the Black’s brain. Whites have a more complex brain structure. The frontal region of their brain is larger than that of Blacks.  He quotes Ward Halstead: “The frontal lobes are the portion of the brain most essential to biological intelligence. They are the organs of civilization — the basis of man’s hope for the future” (p 49). Putnam quotes several other scientists who support Ward’s conclusion (pp. 48-51).
    Putnam’s third piece of evidence also deals with innate brain differences (pp. 51-52). According to a study by F.W. Vint, “[T]he supragranular layer of the Negro cortex was about 15 per cent thinner than the Whites” (p. 51). Furthermore, Blacks have “a significant simplicity in the convolutional pattern” (p. 51).
    His fourth piece of evidence is brain weight. The Negro brain weighs less than the White brain. When corrected for sex, body size, and proportion of parts and sulcification, “the weight of the brain correlates with intelligence” (p. 52).
    Putnam’s fifth piece of evidence is the argument that Dr. Carleton Coon presents in Origin of Races (pp. 53-54). Coon presents “the hypothesis that the White race crossed the evolutionary threshold from Homo erectus to Homo sapiens some 200,000 years ahead of the Negro” (p. 53).
    His sixth piece of evidence is:

. . . the speed of kinesthetic learning from birth to the first years of life — learning, that is, which involved the transition from uterine to infant patterns of muscular reflex and control. This speed seemed to be inversely correlated with the ultimate complexity to be attained by the cerebral cortex, which supported the established observation that in all mammalian life full mental stature develops early in direct relation to cerebral simplicity (p. 55).

Negro infants reach developmental milestones sooner than do White infants (p. 55).
    Putnam’s seventh piece of evidence is the electrophysiology of the brain, i.e., analyzing wave emissions, their cerebral location, and the brain’s electrical response to various stimuli. Blacks show a lower response to the flicker of a high-speed electronic stroboscope than do Whites (pp. 55-56). An impoverished response to flicker implies “‘a failure of the brain to develop, in the areas of imagination, visualization and power of conceptual thought, toward anything approaching maturity’” (p. 56).
    His eighth piece of evidence is the inheritance of racial structure. “Races by definition were simply gene pools of distinguishable and distinctive physical characteristics whose anatomy, insofar as it involved the brain, produced corresponding mental differences. The same could be said of the whole nervous system and of the endocrine glands” (p. 57). Social anthropologists [most of whom are racial egalitarians] claim “that while inherited traits might have some bearing on behavior they were lost in the sea of cultural influences. . . . [T]hrough culture he [man] offset inheritance almost completely” (p. 57). To whom Putnam replies, “social anthropologists never asked the question: To what extent had the culture first been created, and then sustained, by genetic traits?” (p. 57). Studies of twins raised apart in radically different environments show that overall heredity exceeds environment in a ratio of about 3 to 1 (p. 58). [Like socioeconomic status, culture does not cause differences in I.Q. between Blacks and Whites; I.Q. creates the culture, and I.Q. differences are the cause of differences in socioeconomic status and culture. Cognitive ability precedes culture; it does not follow it although once developed a culture can affect cognitive ability.]
    Putnam’s ninth piece of evidence is I.Q. (pp. 58-61). He quotes Dr. Garrett’s summary of the work of Audrey Shuey, The Testing of Negro Intelligence:

    1. The I.Q.’s of American Negroes are from 15 to 20 points, on the average, below those of American whites.
    2. Negro overlap of white median I.Q.’s ranges from 10 to 25 per cent — equality would require 50 per cent.
    3. About six times as many whites as Negroes fall in the “gifted child” category.
    4. About six times as many Negroes as whites fall below 70 I.Q. — that is, in the feeble-minded group.
    5. Negro-white differences in mean test score occur in all types of mental tests, but the Negro lag is greatest in tests of an abstract nature — for example, problems involving reasoning deduction, comprehension. These are the functions called for in education above the lowest levels.   
    6. Differences between Negro and white children increase with chronological age, the gap in performance being largest at the high school and college levels.
    7. Large and significant differences in favor of whites appear even when socioeconomic factors have been equated. (pp. 58-59)

    Putnam also quotes Dr. Garrett’s summary of a comparison that he made of I.Q. data collected by the U.S. government and by Drs. Terman and Merrill:

    1. The average I.Q. of the Negro children is 80.7. The average I.Q. of the White children is 101.8.
    2. Five per cent of the Negroes achieved I.Q.’s above the average White child. Conversely, 89 per cent of the White children achieved I.Q.’s above the average Negro child.
    3. In the High-Average and Superior groups are found 31 per cent of the White children, and 1.1 per cent of the Negro children.
    4. In the Average or Normal group are 46.5 per cent of the White children, and 19 per cent of the Negro children.
    5. The Borderline and Defective groups contain 8.2 per cent of the Whites, and 50.2 per cent of the Negroes.
    6. The average Negro pupil (whose I.Q. is 80.7) cannot go beyond a national-standard Seventh grade curriculum; for half the Negro group, the Fifth grade is the maximum.
    7. Only one per cent of the Negroes are intellectually equipped (110 I.Q. and above) to do acceptable college work (p. 60).

    The egalitarian’s response to this irrefutable data is “the old environmentalist argument that the tests reflected a condition caused by White injustice” (p. 60). [Yet they offer no good scientific evidence or studies to support their assertion. As shown above, twin studies refute the egalitarian’s environmental claim.] Moreover, studies whose purpose was to show that the difference in the intellect of Whites and Blacks was caused by the environment showed the opposite (p. 61).
    Putnam’s tenth and final piece of evidence is the historical experience. The racial egalitarians hold two contradictory and specious explanations to explain the Negro’s backwardness:

On the one hand they argued that the Negro had been isolated by geographical barriers from contact with civilizing influences and that White groups so isolated did no better than the Negro. On the other they advanced claims that the Negro had created magnificent civilizations in Africa, hitherto lost to history but now being discovered as their ruins were unearthed (p. 62).

    To refute the isolation argument, Putnam quotes A.L. Kroeber, a racial egalitarian and environmental (cultural) anthropologist:

All in all, Negro Africa lies open enough to the main Eurasian centers to have presumably experienced a slow cultural “bombardment” that constantly mingled new traits with old, foreign with acclimated, and acclimated elements with those indigenously evolved. Through the centuries and millennia, everything got worked over until it took on the native local color (p. 62).

Since ancient times, Arabs have had contact with Sub-Saharan Africa. For at least the last 500 years, Europeans have been in contact with Sub-Saharan Africa. “[Yet] none of this lifted the Negro out of is primitive condition” (p. 62).
    In response to the claim that the Negro had developed magnificent civilizations that are now lost, Putnam writes, “. . . there had been no “magnificent” Negro kingdoms in Africa in any civilized sense, that such barbaric cultures as existed were almost certainly intrusive, that the Moors and Ethiopians were not Negroes, and that the Nubian dynasty in Egypt was a period of retrogression” (pp. 62-63). He also argues [correctly] that the culture behind the ruins in Zimbabwe, Rhodesia, was not of Negro origin although Blacks probably built them. [Most likely, they were of Arab origin or possibly Chinese as porcelain of the Ming period has been found among the ruins (p. 63).] He quotes Dr. Robert Gayre, who concluded, “[T]here is absolutely no evidence at all that Zimbabwe and the other similar sites were built by the Bantu [Negroes], except as laborers” (p. 63).
    Putnam concludes his demonstration of the fallacies of the egalitarian conflicting proposition of isolation and lost civilizations with a quotation from Arnold Toynbee: “It will be seen that when we classify mankind by colour the only one of the primary races, given by this classification, which has not made a creative contribution to any one of our twenty-one civilizations is the Black Race” (p. 64).
    Some egalitarians assert that climate and disease, i.e., heat and tropical maladies, account for the Negro’s backwardness. To this claim, Putnam replies, “[T]here were many parts of Africa where the climate was good and . . . other parts of the world which had produced great civilizations where the climate was bad. Moreover, for a hundred years the Negro had been free of both tropical diseases and the incubus of climate in the old ex-slave settlement at Chatham, Ontario. Yet his performance there on intelligence tests followed the standard pattern” (pp. 64-65).
    Putnam notes that the leaders of scientific associations, the news and entertainment media, political and religious leaders, and the educational establishment do everything that they can to suppress the truth about race. [They also suppress the truth about the medical system including prescription medication and vaccines, firearms and crime, immigration, terrorism, 9-11, the economy and monetary system, and just about everything else of importance.]
    In Chapter 4, Putnam reviews a court case in Georgia about integration and the events leading up to that case.
    He notes that before Boas and his disciples gained power, no one questioned the “innate race differences, so no one in those days suspected the existence of a Negro ‘right’ to integration in our [White] schools” (p. 67). Indeed, the courts had established that Blacks did not have the right to integrate White schools (p. 67).
    The first task of the racial egalitarians and integrationists was to discredit the biological facts. The Boas dogma of culture, environment, makes the race, not genetics, was ideal for this job. Articles based on Boas’ doctrines filled law reviews and sociological journals (pp. 67-69).
    The first decisive case where Boas’ dogma prevailed was the Covenant Case of 1948, which dealt with racial restrictions in real estate agreements. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of integration and struck down these restrictions (pp. 68-69).
    The Brown decision to desegregate public schools was perhaps the greatest victory of Boas’ dogma (pp. 69-71). In part, the Supreme Court based its decision on sociological material that had not been introduced in evidence. [Such action is a gross abuse of power and duty by an appellate court.] In the Brown decision, the Supreme Court referenced Myrdal’s An American Dilemma, which had not been introduced as evidence and which “was Boas from beginning to end” (p. 70).
    One of the most important pieces of evidence that swayed the Court was the doll study of Kenneth Clark, a Negro. Clark testified that a majority of Black children from segregated schools preferred the White doll to the Black doll and chose the White doll as the one looking most like themselves. He used a sample of 16. [A major way to lie with statistics is to use a small sample. That way, if enough small samples are used, one will eventually get the desired results. The other samples are ignored.] Earlier Clark had performed his doll study with a much larger sample of Black children from public schools in Arkansas and in Massachusetts. He found “the southern children in segregated schools are less pronounced in their preference for the white doll, compared to the northern [unsegregated] children’s definite preference for this doll. Although still in a minority, a higher percentage of southern children, compared to northern, prefer to play with the colored doll or think that it is a ‘nice’ doll” (p. 72). Thus, to the extent that the doll study shows personality damage, segregation is less damaging than integration (pp. 71-74).
    Next Putnam discusses some testimony in the Stell vs. the Savannah Board of Education. During this trial, the defense presented scientists who supported segregation because of the genetic differences between Blacks and Whites. The plaintiff presented no scientists to argue against them (pp. 74-86). [Perhaps the defense knew that the “deck was stacked against the defense.” The defense believed, correctly, that no matter how convincing the scientific data favored segregation, the defense would win on appeal, which it did, if it did not win at trial, which it did not. The school system was going to integrate whatever the outcome of the trial — so much for the rule of law.]
    In Chapter 5, Putnam continues discussing the Savannah court trial, the Stell case.
    During the trial, Putnam observed van der Haag’s thumbnail sketch of a worldwide condition in action:

Indoctrinate a controlling group of scientists in a politically oriented, environmentalist dogma over a period of two generations; make a moral issue out of something immoral; persecute and suppress any dissenters; infiltrate the mass media; and finally persuade the courts by introducing only falsified evidence. Thereafter rely solely, in those courts, on the “majority” view. Never again permit the truth to come to light if you can help it (pp. 88-89).   

    In its decision, the trial court agreed with the scientific information submitted by the defense witnesses. It ruled in favor of the school board, i.e., in favor of segregated schools, and against the plaintiff, i.e., against integrated schools. Ignoring the evidence entirely, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the trial court decision (pp. 89-92). [Such a ruling by the Circuit Court was to be expected. Egalitarians and other statists controlled the higher federal courts. Their job was to expand the power of the U.S. government and control over the States, local governments, and the people. Forced integration has certainly done this.]
    Putnam discusses the Circuit Court’s declaration that assigning exceptional Negro pupils whose abilities exceeded the average White pupil to segregated Black schools was discriminatory. Negroes should be treated as individuals and not as members of a group. Thus, all Blacks should be allowed to integrate into White schools. Putnam applies the Circuit Court’s reasoning to minors. Laws deny minors the right to drive, vote, or marry [or to buy alcohol, tobacco, and firearms] simply because the average minor is not considered wise, experienced, or mature enough to do these things. However, some minors have better judgment, more experience, and more intelligence than many adults. Therefore, following the Circuit Court’s reasoning minors should be allowed to vote, marry, and drive cars [and to buy, own, and use alcohol, tobacco, and firearms] (pp. 92-93).

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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