Wednesday, September 22, 2021

A Letter: Southern National Party

A Letter: Southern National Party
Thomas Allen

[Editor’s note: The following is a letter written in 1986 responding to an article by Mr. Vanover in the Southern Partisan magazine.]

    As a member of the Southern National Party, I can inform Mr. Vanover that it is still alive. If he had read the party’s newsletters of the past five years, he would have discovered that most writers who address the race issue do not advocate “White supremacy.” They advocate the solution offered by Thomas Jefferson.
    I am sure that Mr. Vanover would consider me a “racist” because I advocate Jefferson’s solution. However, I do not believe that the Jeffersonian solution is a “racist” solution in the sense of degrading or destroying a race. It is racist only in the sense that it preserves the races that God created. The new South integrationist is the true racist. Integration leads to interracial marriages, which lead irrevocably to the destruction of the races. At least it has in all other societies that have tried it. I see no reason that the South would be any different. Because of its total destructiveness, racial integration must be based upon racial hatred. Racial destruction seems to be the position advocated by Mr. Vanover.
    Following Mr. Vanover’s logic (one “who truly loves the South loves it for what it is”), one must love and perhaps even advocate “White supremacy.” Historically and traditionally, Blacks generally have been subordinated politically, economically, and socially to Whites. [The same was true in the North.] At least this has been true up to the Second Reconstruction when State governments were prohibited from enforcing segregation and were required to enforce integration. White supremacy, segregation, and geographical separation are not necessarily motivated by racial hatred. Even if they were, there is less hatred in them than in integration. Integration has always led to the destruction of the races, which are God’s creations. Unlike advocates of the aforementioned three, the integrationist is consumed with self-hatred, for he seeks to destroy himself and his kind. In the long run, integration is a highly unchristian principle.
    [Historically and traditionally, not only did Southerners segregate Blacks, so did Northerners. However, unlike the South, which segregated Blacks by statute because of their large numbers, the North segregated Blacks by custom, because their small numbers did not require laws to segregate them. Moreover, the typical Northerner had a lower opinion of Blacks than did the typical Southerner. While Southerners saw Blacks as real persons, Yankees, especially the abolitionist types, saw them as abstractions.]
    Those in the same wing of the Southern National Party in which I am, advocate the preservation of the Negro race without White supremacy. We believe as Jefferson believed that this goal can only be achieved by geographical separation of the races. This position can hardly be considered antiblack — at least not by rational thinkers.
    Mr. Vanover never really answers his question: “Is the White Southerner ready for equality?” He implies that the answer is “yes.” He may be correct. However, if he is, the White Southerner is ready for something that is contrary to nature and the Bible. We may all be equally guilty of sinning, but that is about the end of our equality. What can be more unequal than some going to paradise while others do not? Or, as Calvin would put it, some are predestined to heaven; most are predestined to hell. Because every individual and every race is unique and innately different, they can never be equal. The closest man has come to achieving equality in recent times is in the Soviet Union, communist China, and Cambodia. I doubt that many Southerners desire such a society, but if they desire equality, this type of society is what they will achieve.
    The prevention of “mongrelization” and the preservation of “White civilization” is only one reason for an independent Southern Republic. (I suspect most Southerners prefer these goals to Mr. Vanover’s nebulous egalitarianism. I also doubt that most Southerners feel the same contempt for White civilization as Mr. Vanover seems to exhibit.) An independent Southern Republic would greatly improve our chances of preserving our Southern culture, heritage, and traditions for our great-grandchildren. Political boundaries can control immigration; thus, retard the influx of carpetbaggers and their socialistic, democratic, miscegenous, egalitarian Yankee ideology. Those values advocated in the Southern Partisan can best be preserved and regained with an independent South. In fact, I believe that is the only chance that they can be. An independent South would greatly improve our chances of regaining the liberties that our pre-Statue of Liberty antebellum ancestors enjoyed. Regaining these lost liberties in the present union is virtually nil. An independent South would free us from a federal court system, presidency, and Congress controlled by Yankeedom. Who knows, it may even end new South style progress and reduce the quantity of hazardous waste dumped in South Carolina.
    About the only thing that Mr. Vanover and I may agree on is our opposition to groups like the White Patriot Party and the Klans desecrating the Confederate flag. However, I do find myself in agreement with most of what the Southern Partisan advocates. Where we depart is to how to best achieve these goals. The writers in the Southern Partisan, for the most part, believe that the present union can be reformed and Southern values can thus be preserved, and those lost, regained. I am convinced that the present union cannot be so reformed and that these goals can only be achieved in an independent South. Of course, Southerners have been in this predicament before. In 1770 most Southerners believed that the union with England could be reformed. By 1776, many were convinced that their only hope lay in independence. In 1855, most Southerners believed that the union with the North could be reformed. By l861, most were convinced that it could not.
    For your erudition, several recent issues of the Southern National Party’s newsletter are enclosed. For your edification, I have marked the articles that I have written. Perhaps Mr. Vanover can peruse them to discover why someone not in prison would support Southern independence. I am sure that he will conclude that I am a member of the right-wing lunatic fringe. [If so, he would be wrong; according to Pam Dunn, I am a “a totally moronic left winger idiot.”] However, I suspect that if I were transported back to April 1776 when my ancestors, John Bradford and Jeptha Atherton, voted for the Halifax Resolves, I would be in the mainstream. [Later, I learned that Atherton was not a member of the Fourth Provincial Congress, which adopted the Halifax Resolves. He was a member of the Fifth Provincial Congress, which approved the first North Carolina Constitution, along with a “Declaration of Rights.”] I doubt if my Uncle Nathaniel Macon (an article about him appeared in an earlier issue of the Southern Partisan) would disagree with too many of my positions. I also suspect that my great-grandfather, who shed his blood at Chancellorsville, and his brother, who left an arm there, and a host of their comrades would be more inclined to agree with my position on race, equality, and Southern independence than with Mr. Vanover’s position.
    I have written numerous articles for the “Southern National Newsletter” over the past five years. Only two of these articles were on race per se. So there are other reasons for desiring Southern independence — namely, liberty. As John Randolph said, I believe that it was he, “I am an aristocrat. I love liberty, I hate equality.” In other words, man can have liberty. Man can have equality. Man can have neither. But man can never have both.
    I write this letter not as an official or spokesman for the Southern National Party, for I have no authority to do so. I merely write to inform Mr. Vanover that the Southern National Party still exists and to let him know why one person who is not a convict would consider joining it.
    [In 1999, if I remember correctly, the Southern National Party dissolved. Sometime later, a new Southern National Party was formed. I have had no relations with the new party.]

Copyright © 1986, 2019 by Thomas C. Allen.

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Monday, September 13, 2021

What Is Your View of the US Constitution?

What Is Your View of the US Constitution?

Thomas Allen

Do you view the US Constitution as the one that the founding fathers gave us? Or, do you view it as the one given us by Lincoln and the Radical Republicans as furthered developed by Presidents Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and carried to fruition by the Warren Court and especially Justice William Brennan, which is the current Constitution. To find out how you view the US Constitution, take the following test. The answers follow the test.


Test

1. Did the United States precede the States, or did the States precede the United States?

2. Can the United States exist without the States?

3. Does sovereignty reside in the United States (and, therefore, in the people thereof) as a whole, or in each State individually (and, therefore, in the people of each State)?

4. Currently, how many “we the people” are there?

5. When the Constitution was adopted, how many “we the people” were there?

6. Does the Constitution establish a national government or a federal government?

7. Are the United States a republic or a union of republics?

8. Is a person a citizen of a State by virtue of being a citizen of the United States (his loyalty is first to the United States and then to his State), or is a person a citizen of the United States by virtue of being a citizen of a State (his loyalty is first to his State and then to the other States, the United States)?

9. Was the Constitution written for a propositional (creedal) country or for a genetic country?

10. Should the Constitution be referred to as the “Constitution of the United States of American” or the “Constitution for the United States of America?”

11. Does/do the “United States” take a singular or plural verb?

12. Does the General Welfare clause grant Congress the power to enact any law that it considers being for the general welfare, or is this clause intended to restrict the powers of Congress?

13. Does the Interstate Commerce clause give Congress the power to regulate manufacturing, agriculture, mining, finance, employment, the environment, and all other production and consumption activities, or does it restrict Congress’ power just to regulating the trade and exchange of goods?

14. Does the Necessary and Proper clause grant Congress the power to enact any law that it finds convenient or useful, or does it restrict Congress to enacting incidental laws necessary to execute the powers delegated to Congress?

15. Does the Supremacy clause empower the US government to ensure that federal laws and treaties have precedence over State laws and State constitutions, or is its purpose to ensure that federal laws implementing the powers specifically delegated to Congress are constitutional?

16. Does the President have the authority to legislate by executive orders?

17. Can the President execute an offensive war without a Congressional declaration of war?

18. Does a State have the right to judge the constitutionality of laws of the US government and to interpose and nullify the laws that it finds unconstitutional?

19. Does a State have the right to secede?

20. Does the Constitution grant the US government the power to do whatever it wants to do unless the Constitution expressly prohibits such action, or does the Constitution limit the powers of the US government to those powers expressly granted?

21. Do States have only those powers that the US government allows them, or do States have all powers that the Constitution has not expressly denied them?

22. Does the Constitution authorize the US government to intervene and interfere with the internal affairs of a State?

23. Does the Bill of Rights apply to the States?

24. Does the US Supreme Court have the right, duty, and power to amend the Constitution with its rulings?

25. Is the Constitution teleological (establishing a society based on abstract principles of natural rights, equality, democracy, etc.) or nomocratic (bring government under the rule of law)?


Answer

1. Lincoln: The United States preceded the States.

Founding Fathers: The States preceded the United States.

2. Lincoln: Yes, the States are irrelevant administrative districts; just as a State can exist without counties, so can the United States exist without the States.

Founding Fathers: No, if the States ceased to exist, so would the United States — just as the union formed under the Articles of Confederation ceased to exist when North Carolina and Rhode Island finally seceded from it and acceded to the union formed under the US Constitution.

3. Lincoln: Sovereignty resides in the United States as a whole.

Founding Fathers: Sovereignty resides in each State individually.

4. Lincoln: One.

Founding Fathers: Fifty.

5. Lincoln: One.

Founding Fathers: Thirteen.

6. Lincoln: National government.

Founding Fathers: Federal government.

7. Lincoln: Republic.

Founding Fathers: Union of republics.

8. Lincoln: A person is a citizen of a State by virtue of being a citizen of the United States.

Founding Fathers: A person is a citizen of the United States by virtue of being a citizen of a State; a citizen of the United State means a citizen of a States.

9. Lincoln: Propositional (creedal); therefore, it was written for all races.

Founding Fathers: Genetic; it was written solely for the White (Aryan, Homo albus) race (species) and for no other race.

10. Lincoln: The “Constitution of the United States of American.”

  Founding Fathers: The “Constitution for the United States of America.”

11. Lincoln: Singular.

Founding Fathers: Plural.

12. Lincoln: The General Welfare clause grants power to Congress.

Founding Fathers: The General Welfare clause restricts the power of Congress.

13. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No, the Interstate Commerce clause limits Congress to regulating trade and exchanges of goods.

14. Lincoln: The Necessary and Proper clause grants Congress the power to enact any law that it finds convenient or useful.

Founding Fathers: The Necessary and Proper clause restricts Congress to enacting incidental laws.

15. Lincoln: The purpose of the Supremacy clause is to empower the US government to ensure that federal laws and treaties have precedence over State laws and State constitutions.

Founding Fathers: The purpose of the Supremacy clause is to ensure that federal laws implementing the powers specifically delegated to Congress are constitutional.

16. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No.

17. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No.

18. Lincoln: No.

Founding Fathers: Yes.

19. Lincoln: No.

Founding Fathers: Yes. (By 1791 the States had already seceded twice: once from the British Empire and once from the union created by the Articles of Confederation.)

20. Lincoln: The US government has unlimited power.

Founding Fathers: The powers of the US government are restricted to those powers expressly delegated to it.

21. Lincoln: The States have only those powers allowed.

Founding Fathers: The States have all powers not denied them.

22. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No.

23. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No.

24. Lincoln: Yes.

Founding Fathers: No.

25. Lincoln: Teleological.

Founding Fathers: Nomocratic.


Scoring

If you agreed with “Lincoln” 20 or more times, you view the Constitution as the one Lincoln gave us. If you agree with the “Founding Fathers” 20 or more times, you view the Constitution as the one the founding fathers gave us. However, if you agree with “Lincoln” less than 20 times and with the “Founding Fathers” less than 20 times, you may suffer from some kind of dissociative disorder — at the very least, you are inconsistent or perhaps ignorant.


Copyright © 2021 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Saturday, September 4, 2021

Respecter of Persons

Respecter of Persons

Thomas Allen

Then Peter opened his mouth, and said, Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons: – Acts 10:34

For there is no respect of persons with God. – Romans 2:11

There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Christ Jesus. – Galatians 3:28 

And, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening: knowing that your Master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with him. – Ephesians 6:9

And if ye call on the Father, who without respect of persons judgeth according to every man’s work, pass the time of your sojourning here in fear: – 1 Peter 1:17

Christian racial nihilists cite these verses to justify racial integration, amalgamation, and miscegenation — which God’s word condemns — and, therefore, the genocide of the races that God created. (However, nearly all Christian racial nihilists are Darwinists; they believe that the races of man evolved and, thus, were not created. This is true even of those who claim to be creationists.) Consequently, they disagree with God, who places great importance on the races (species) of man that He created. (See “Christians and Creationism” and “Fundamental Christians and Evolution” by Thomas Allen.)

Moreover, Christian racial nihilists use these verses to boost that they do not recognize a person’s race. Additionally, they promote the new morality of sacrificing the races of man on the altar of humanity.

Furthermore, Christian racial nihilists condemn stereotyping despite Paul endorsing it. Paul wrote “One of themselves, a prophet of their own, said, Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, idle gluttons. This testimony is true. For which cause reprove them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith ” — Titus 1:12–13.

Nevertheless, is God really a non-respecter of persons despite what these verses suggest? The Bible describes events that show that God is a respecter of persons and that He discriminates against some in favor of others.

God showed that He is a respecter of persons when He accepted Abel’s offering and rejected Cain’s. If He were not a respecter of persons, He would have accepted both offerings or rejected both offerings. (Or, was this an instance of Him acting as a respecter of offerings?)

The Noachian Flood is another example of God acting like a respecter of persons. He saved Noah and his family while letting the others drown. If He were non-respecter of persons, He would have saved all of them. (This seems to be an instance where God respected the persons who believed Him but did not respect those who disbelieved.)

Jacob and Esau are another example that shows that God is a respecter of persons. He chose Jacob and rejected Esau. This action of choosing one person, Jacob, and rejecting another person, Esau, proves that He is a respecter of persons.

When God segregated the Israelites and protected them from the plagues that He inflicted on the Egyptians, He acted like a respecter of persons. When He separated the Israelites from the Egyptians and led them across the Red Sea, He again acted like a respecter of persons. (This segregation and separation were based on ethnicity and not on character.)

Moses wrote, “No half-bred [mongrel] may be admitted to the assembly of the Yahweh; not even his descendants to the tenth generation may be admitted to the Assembly of Yahweh” — Deuteronomy 23:2. Since God refuses to allow mongrels in His assembly, He is acting like a respecter of persons. Moreover, His discrimination in this instance is not based on character or what a person does or does not do. It is based solely on a person’s genetics — something over which he has no control.

When God saves some people to everlasting life and condemns others to everlasting death, He is acting like a respecter of persons. He may judge differently than man would judge, but judging requires Him to be a respecter of persons unless all persons end up with the same results.

Whatever the verses cited about God not being a respecter of persons mean, they do not justify racial nihilism or the new morality. Christian racial nihilists err when they use these verses to justify their racial nihilism and the new morality. They are acting contrary to the Scriptures when they reject the notion of race and seek to scarify the races on the altar of humanity. They need to repent.

Copyright © 2020 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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