Showing posts with label Marxist. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Marxist. Show all posts

Monday, September 29, 2025

Carthage and the United States

Carthage and the United States

Thomas Allen


[Editor’s note: This article was submitted in 1988 for the “Southern National Newsletter” of the Southern National Party.]

[Since this article was written, the roles have been reversed. The United States are now Rome, and Russia is Carthage. Unlike disarmed Carthage, Russia possesses a large arsenal of nuclear weapons against which the United States seem to possess no defense. While Russia has a large-scale civil defense system to protect its civilians, the United States have none except for the oligarchs and high-ranking politicians and bureaucrats — it was abolished to appease the Soviet Union.]

As post-World War II history demonstrates, the United States are following the path that Carthage followed more than 2100 years ago. If the United States go the way of Carthage, the South will too, if it remains part of the present union.

By the second century B. C., the primary foreign policy of Rome had become the annihilation of Carthage, for Rome envied the prosperity of Carthage. After Rome defeated Carthage in the Second Punic War, Carthage agreed not to engage in war with any ally of Rome. If a Roman ally attacked Carthage, Carthage was to appeal to Rome to settle the dispute. Numidia, which was an ally of Rome, took advantage of Carthage’s predicament and attacked her. Carthage appealed to Rome to end the conflict. Rome resolved the conflict unfairly in favor of Numidia. The next time Numidia attacked Carthage, Carthage defended herself instead of appealing to Rome. She knew that Rome would not provide any aid or justice. Carthage feared that Rome would use this conflict as a pretext for war, and events soon proved her right. Fearing reprisal from Rome, Carthage sought appeasement. She inquired of Rome about the conditions necessary to secure peace. Rome demanded and received three hundred children of noble birth to hold as hostages. With the hostages in hand, Rome then demanded that Carthage surrender all weapons of war. Hoping to win Rome to clemency, Carthage complied. After the weapons were surrendered, Rome then demanded the city itself. The inhabitants were told that they could march ten miles inland and build a new city, but Carthage had to be destroyed. With this demand, Carthage finally realized the perfidy and baseness of her enemy. Without weapons, she prepared for war. The Carthaginians were able to manufacture enough weapons to resist the Roman siege for four years. In 146 B. C., Carthage finally fell to the Roman army. Rome utterly destroyed her. The city was burned and leveled. Carthage was no more.

Just as Rome’s foreign policy was to destroy Carthage, so is the Soviet Union’s foreign policy to destroy the United States. Ever since the days of Lenin, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has been the destruction of the United States. Just as Rome expanded and absorbed all those around her, so has the Soviet Union. Following the path of Carthage, the United States have met the Soviet threat with appeasement. They seek to appease their Rome, the envious Soviet Union. With rhetoric, the United States mildly object to Soviet expansion. With deeds, they restrain and hamper those who seek to defend themselves from Soviet imperialism. Whereas Carthage was forced to prostrate herself before Rome as a result of defeat in war and entered into a one-sided treaty that favored Rome, the United States have voluntarily entered into one treaty after another that favors their enemy, the Soviet Union. The United States have entered into several arms-control treaties with the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet Union abides by these treaties only as long as it suits its purposes and ignores them when convenient. The United States abide by these treaties even if they have never been ratified. Now, the United States are going down the road of disarmament with a known liar and deceiver. Whereas Rome held only three hundred Carthaginians hostage, the Soviet Union is rapidly approaching the point where she will hold 240,000,000 Americans hostage. The Soviet Union has an effective civil defense and antimissile system. Yet, the United States have neither and are determined to acquire neither. The day may soon come when the Soviet Union will demand that the United States disarm themselves completely or be destroyed. If the United States resist, most likely war will result. If they do as Carthage did and disarm, they will perish as Carthage did. (Envy is a powerfully destructive force.) However, the United States will not have the luxury of rearming and making a last stand as Carthage did. Just as an envious Rome achieved her objective of obliterating prosperous Carthage, so will an envious Soviet Union achieve hers of obliterating the prosperous United States.

If the Southern States wish to avoid the fate of Carthage, they must separate from the present union. To remain part of the United States is to die. The United States no longer have the will to defend themselves. They desire only to appease their enemy. Only in an independent South can Southerners ever hope to build a civil defense and antimissile system to protect themselves from Soviet blackmail. Only in an independent South can Southerners ever hope to live in peace. The time has come for a free and independent confederation of Southern States.

As paradoxical as it may appear, an independent South may be the only way that the United States can be saved from the Soviet Union. An independent South would seek to defend itself from Soviet aggression and thus retard that aggression. Not only that, but the trauma of losing their Southern colonies may destroy the lethargy of the United States, force them to recognize their vulnerability and cause them to defend themselves from Soviet aggression, which would totally thwart her potential threats and prevent war.

[Fortunately, under President Reagan’s leadership, the United States woke up and thwarted the Soviet threat so greatly that the Soviet Union collapsed. Now, the Marxist mantle of destroying the United States has passed to China. However, Marxists within the United States are giving China stiff competition, which is un-Marxist, to bring down America. Like good Marxists, these American Marxists are destroying the history of the country by starting with the removal of anything about the Confederacy or the antebellum era. They push disarmament of the people and other Marxist laws to enslave Americans — many in the name of the war on terrorism. Unlike the United States, at least, traitors within her gates did not control Carthage.]


Copyright © 1988, 2025 by Thomas C. Allen.

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Wednesday, October 2, 2019

The Puritan Yankee

The Puritan Yankee
Thomas Allen

The following description of the Puritan Yankee, which is a redundant tautology and superfluous supererogation, has been extracted from Forgotten Conservatives in American History by Brion McClanahan and Clyde N. Wilson, who extracted their description from several authors, but primarily from James Fenimore Cooper. (Cooper was a New Yorker, who deplored Puritan Yankees because they were ruining New York. They destroyed New York decades before they destroyed the South.) Page numbers enclosed in parentheses are to the book referenced above. In the quoted material, I have changed some verbs from past tense to present tense. My comments are enclosed in brackets.
New Englanders and the regions where their descendants settled [New York and along the Great Lakes and later the West Coast] are more Puritan and less classical than the rest of the country. Additionally, they emphasize “profitable economic activity and community supervision of public morals” (p. 18). [Hence, Hillary Clinton's, who is a Puritan Yankee, “it takes a village to raise a child.” Today, Puritans scrupulously supervise public morals to ensure that people speak and act in a politically correct way. If anyone fails to be politically correct, these modern-day Puritans vehemently attack him, not only verbally, but also physically.]
According to James A. Bayard, the Yankee school system [public school system] was the cause of the political turmoil of the 1860s and 1870s. [Puritan Yankees created the public school system, i.e., government schools, which explains why the public school system is so dysfunctional and why it indoctrinates instead of educates.] Bayard remarks, “‘It [the Yankee school system] may stimulate the brain but it ignores man’s moral nature and produces discontent with their condition among the masses. God help the country in which the masses are merely stimulated and trained to act in combinations which are always, sooner or later, controlled by demagogues’” (p. 48). [This explains why, with rare exception, demagogues, instead of statesmen, have governed the country since 1860.]
For the Yankee, democracy is a matter of power and appetite instead of a matter of liberty under the law. It means “that people have a right to whatever they happened to want, the law and private rights be damned” (p. 53).
Moreover, the Yankee has “a liberal supply of Puritanical notions” (p. 54). He has a native shrewdness with an evasive manner. Also, he gives the impression of “a sneaking propensity that renders him habitually hypocritical” (p. 54).
Furthermore, the Yankee admires plutocrats, especially the nouveau riche, and always defers to money. Money is “the only source of human distinction” (p. 54) that the Yankee can clearly understand. [In this respect, the libertarian is hardly distinguishable from the Yankee.]
Yankees are hardworking and entrepreneurial and often manage to gain “control (often clandestinely) of many of the essential business of the community (p. 54). [Thus, once they reach a critical mass in a community, they proceed to ruin it by remaking it in their own image.]
Also, Yankees are “pushy social climbers, insisting that their betters treat them as equals, but refusing to grant the same to those who are less successful and prosperous” (p. 54). They presume “an intimate friendship with mere acquaintances” (p. 54).
“The Yankees value education so much so that they often presume to more learning than they really have and expose themselves as pretentious pseudo-intellectuals” (p. 54). As a result, the Yankee established the public school system in the United States. Nevertheless, this school system offers an education that is superficial and substitutes learning for common sense. [Many holders of Ph.D. seem void of common sense.] Moreover, it fails to “produce the really educated men needed for leadership” (p. 55).
Additionally, the Yankee values and craves “respectability more than independence” (p. 55). He has the capacity to “organize to get things done and bring about change, whether other people wanted it or not” (p. 55). [The US government, which the Puritan Yankees have controlled since 1861, is notorious for bringing about change, especially if people do not want it, while ignoring what the people really want.]
About the Yankee, Cooper declares, “‘A Yankee is never satisfied unless he is making changes. One half of his time, he is altering the pronunciation of his own names, and the other half he is altering ours’” (p. 57). He adds, “‘I doubt if all this craving for change has not more of selfishness in it than either of expediency or philosophy’” (p. 57).
Yankee newcomers regard themselves more righteous than the natives among whom they settle. Therefore, the Puritan Yankee newcomers believe that they are entitled to change the ways of the natives and to appropriate their property (pp. 57-58) [as happened in the South during Reconstruction].
Inevitably, the Yankee quarrels with all above him. In his self-righteousness, the Yankee “‘throws a beautiful halo of morality and religion, never even prevaricating in the hottest discussion, unless with the unction of a saint’” — as Cooper writes. [Most often, today, that saint is His Divine Highness Saint Martin Luther King, Junior. Next to him is the most Marxist Democrat at the moment. Lincoln is another one of these precious saints, but his halo is beginning to tarnish among the younger Marxists.]
Out of the Puritan Yankee came “Anti-Masonry, Mormonism, prohibition, vegetarianism, Seventh Day Adventism, socialism, and feminism” (p. 58). Also, out of the Puritan Yankee came abolitionism and John Brown terrorism (p. 58). [To this list, neoconservatism needs to be added.]
Above all the Yankee, who is of Puritan stock, is a self-righteous, hypocritical reformer and crusader, who is forever seeking change for change-sake (pp. 144, 179).
Ever since 1860, the Puritan Yankee has controlled the United States. Since then, the United States have always been undergoing “perpetual crusades for the reform and reconstruction of society that diminish American liberty and independence to this day” (p. 55). If anyone objects to the Yankee’s righteous crusade [such as spreading democracy throughout the world], he is a bad person. For the Yankees, it is “a normal means of proceeding in their Puritan heritage . . . to justify themselves by portraying those who opposed them as bad people with evil motives” (p. 58). [Puritan Yankees are like locusts swarming across the land, devouring everything in their path, and leaving nothing behind but utter devastation. Thus, they remake the world in their own image.]
Fortunately, not all Northerners are Yankees. Many are decent, hardworking, honest people (p. 183). [Unfortunately, Yankees have infested the South, for example, the Bushes.]

Copyright © 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Thursday, September 5, 2019

Libertarians Versus Marxists

Libertarians Versus Marxists
Thomas Allen

Libertarians and Marxists are more alike than many realize. Libertarians agree with Marxists on at least one thing: economics is the most important factor in life and takes precedence over everything else. Like Marxists, libertarians believe that economics is the principal cause of social organization. Both treat economics like a religion. To them, country (a territory), nation (an ethnicity), race, culture, and the like have little or no value, especially if it conflicts with economics. (However, unlike libertarians, Marxists find some value in these collectives as tools to create turmoil.)
    Marxists and most libertarians believe that people need to be liberated from nationality, ethnicity, sex (distinguishing between male and female), and religion. Marxists believe that the best way to accomplish this goal is through socialism, whereas libertarians believe that capitalism is the best way.
A major difference between libertarians and Marxists is that Marxists know that they must impose their will on their opponents and proceed to do so. For the most part, libertarians fail to realize that they must force their will on Marxists and other statists and suppress them to establish a libertarian society. Persuasion will not stop those who feel compelled to run other people’s lives. Only force will stop them.
Another real difference between libertarians and Marxists is that libertarians favor little or no government while Marxists favor absolute government. Still, this difference is highly important, for a Libertarian regime guarantees much more liberty than a Marxist regime, which guarantees none. While Marxists want to use the government to destroy culture, etc., Libertarians object to using the government to protect and preserve culture, etc.
Unlike Marxists, who are nearly always wrong about economic issues, libertarians are usually right. However, on social issues and other noneconomic matters, both are usually wrong.
While Marxists promote homosexuality and other sexual perversions, unlimited immigration, and miscegenation to destroy society, Libertarians offer no objection to such destruction, especially when their beloved multinational corporations are promoting the destruction of society. However, libertarians seem to value the family more than Marxists do; at least, they are not as negative toward the family as Marxists are.
Genocide is another similarity between Marxists and libertarians. Genocide by Marxist is obvious. With mass murder, deportation, and integration, genocide by Marxist is too overt to ignore. On the other hand, Libertarians genocide in more subtle ways. For example, few libertarians would object to the Chinese overwhelming the Tibetans in such numbers that the Tibetans would cease to exist. However, most would object to the Tibetans trying to protect their ethnicity by such actions as prohibiting intermarriage and keeping the Chinese out of their community. Most libertarians object to using governmental power to protect and preserve races and ethnicities.
Whereas Marxists see the government as the priesthood of their god, libertarians view government as the priesthood of Satan (even if they do not believe in Satan). On the other hand, libertarians view corporations as angels, while Marxists present them as pure evil (although most Marxists are owned, directly or indirectly, by these corporations). As long as corporations promote the destruction of society and the enslavement of the people, libertarians do not object if the corporations do not collaborate directly with the government in the destruction. Likewise, Marxists do not object. Only when a corporation collaborates with the government to gain a market advantage do libertarians criticize the actions of a corporation.
However, libertarians and Marxists do disagree on some political correctness. Marxists favor political correctness no matter who imposes it because it is an effective weapon in destroying a society and a country. Libertarians only object to political correctness if the government imposes it. Yet, if their beloved corporations promote political correctness, they find it acceptable.
In summary, neither Marxists nor libertarians oppose the annihilation of noneconomic collectives, such as country, nation, race, religion, and culture. Whereas Marxists do not oppose using the government to destroy these noneconomic collectives, libertarians do. Nevertheless, libertarians have no objection to the government allowing and even encouraging, their destruction. Moreover, libertarians promote preventing the government from doing anything to protect them.

Copyright © 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Tuesday, July 2, 2019

Libertarians and Open Borders

Libertarians and Open Borders
Thomas Allen

Most libertarians favor open borders and unlimited immigration. According to them, everyone ought to be free to live wherever he wants to live if the taxpayer does not have to pay for it. These libertarians place no value on countries (territory) or nations (people). However, most libertarians refuse to acknowledge that open borders and unlimited immigration are highly destructive to liberty — the thing that most libertarians claim to adore, ranking it just behind unrestrained capitalism.
Libertarians who advocate open borders and unlimited immigration are willing to sacrifice their ideology for the sake of their ideology. Do they really believe that if 100 million Latinos, 100 million Asian Indians, and 100 million East Asians migrated to the United States over the next several decades, they would become more libertarian than they are today? Do they really believe that people who have authoritarianism instilled in them for generations really appreciate liberty? If they did, they would already be living in countries that practice libertarian values.
Moreover, most of these people come from countries where only the opinions of people who wield power matter. Only members of the ruling faction have any rights; the purpose of government is to advance their agenda; rulers are above the law. Furthermore, the powerful are not expected to subordinate their ambition to the wishes of others. Political leaders are expected to loot the country. If given the chance, most of the oppressed in these countries would imitate their oppressors. Yet, libertarians want to flood the United States with people who hold these beliefs.
Only countries where the population is White or mostly White (at least 85 percent) have pursued libertarian ideas. When non-White countries have adopted libertarian ideas, Whites have nearly always imposed such ideas on them, and the remainder have copied them from Whites. When Whites withdraw or dwindle below a critical number, libertarian ideas vanish. Africa is a prime example.
One major cause of the United States becoming more Marxist and having a larger and more intrusive government is the influx of people from highly statist societies. Adding ever increasing numbers of these people will move the country further away from libertarian ideas.
Moreover, Marxists and their kindred control the school systems in the United States. Thus, they are indoctrinating the children of these new arrivals and the children of native-born Americans with Marxist ideas. Unless libertarians are willing to do an unlibertarian thing and capture control of the public school systems and teach these children libertarian ideas, rare will be a student who knows any libertarian ideas.
A historical example of immigration moving the United States from libertarianism toward statism occurred with the failed Revolution of 1848. Many radicals involved in that conflict fled to the United States. Soon afterward, they joined with the Yankee abolitionists and Puritan industrialists and established the imperial president in the person of Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln rewarded them by destroying the US Constitution and concentrating all political power in the US government. If a few thousand radicals uniting with the Puritan Yankee could cause this much destruction, imagine what several hundred million aliens united with the progressive liberals, who are descendants of the Puritan Yankee and 1848 radicals, could do to destroy what little remains of the United States. (Although progressive liberals despise nearly everything that libertarians advocate in the economic and political realm, they agree with libertarians on nearly everything that they advocate in the social realm.)
Additionally, many libertarians teach the idea that people should act like atomized individuals with no loyalty to their race, nation (ethnicity), or gene pool — especially those who follow Ayn Rand’s Objectivism. Like the neo-conservatives, these libertarians push the notion that the United States are a concept country. With their actions, they adamantly oppose the notion that the United States are a genetic country — or, perhaps more correctly today, were a genetic country since they have degenerated into a multiracial, multicultural empire. Furthermore, most libertarians seem to want to eliminate political borders altogether, which is a goal of the globalists, who are scheming to form a totalitarian global government.
Most libertarians have an uncontrollable compulsion to turn the United States into a third world ghetto with their open borders and unlimited immigration policies. Do they really believe that libertarianism could and would thrive in such an environment? So far, it never has. To the contrary, libertarianism has never even been considered in such an environment. People in such a society are too concerned about their next meal or even surviving the day to bother with libertarian ideas. America’s accumulated capital can only last so long. When it is consumed, such poverty will be the norm.
Open borders and unlimited immigration will end all hope of a libertarian society. Are libertarians this ignorant? Are they suicidal? Are they a front for the ruling elite, who want a one-world totalitarian government? Do they hate Whites and Western Civilization? What is their reason for promoting a policy that will destroy their goal of a libertarian society?

Copyright © 2019 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Sunday, July 16, 2017

Judging People by Their Character

Judging People by Their Character
Thomas Allen

    Martin Luther King said,  “I look to a day when people will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.” Progressives, liberals, libertarians, neoconservatives, academics, old media personalities, and most religious leaders, constitutionalists, and conservatives continuously dote over this saying of King.
    Most of these doters (idolaters?) have elevated King to sainthood, and many have defied him. They have even placed King above Jesus. People may blaspheme Jesus with immunity. Blaspheming Jesus even receives support from governments and the old media, and often receives indifference from the new media. However, to tell the truth about King brings condemnation from nearly all spectrums of society — from right to left. Moreover, those who fail to saint King are universally vilified as racists. (Therefore, people are judged not by their character, but whether or not they worship, or at least esteem above all others, King.) Such acceptance of the treatment of King and Jesus proves that King has supplanted Jesus as the central figure of religious and even nonreligious America. King has replaced Jesus as the representation of God on Earth. King’s teachings are esteemed far more than Jesus’. While the government church, public schools, bans Jesus, they indoctrinate King’s dogmas.
    However, these doters never investigate or consider the character of the womanizing King, who left a trail of destruction and blood as he fornicated across the country. They overlook his betrayal of his wife with his adultery. (If a man will betray his most sacred vows, such as his marriage vows, how can he be trusted with less important things?) Also, they do not consider or try to find out what King meant by “content of their character.” As judged by King’s actions, only non-Whites and White Marxists had any content of character worth possessing. If a White is not a Marxist, he has a low quality of character. To King, skin color, i.e., race, and Marxist character appear almost synonymous. Moreover, if Saint King’s character is so sterling, why do federal agencies have to conceal the information that they have collected about him?
    To judge people by their character requires unlimited resources, unlimited time, and an extremely long lifespan. Being finite with highly limited resources and time, people are forced to judge by categorization. Race is perhaps the best categorization to use to judge character, especially when immediate judgment is required. (An example of judging character by race is the Black cab driver who refused to take passengers to Black neighborhoods at night as occurred in the District of Columbia some years ago.) When known, ethnicity, which is a subdivision of race, may be an even better indicator of character than mere race.  (For example, if one knows that he is dealing with a Yankee, he knows, with high probability, that he is dealing with a person of a meddlesome, self-righteous, and generally low character.) Moreover, the Bible endorses the use of ethnicity, and by that race, to judge character. In Titus 1:12, Paul writes, “. . . the Cretians are alway liars, evil beasts, slow bellies.”
    The following two tables illustrate racial differences in character. Table 1[1] shows more recent studies while Table 2[2] shows earlier studies.


    For most of these characteristics, genetics plays an important role, often the dominant role, in their determination. Of course, exceptions exist. However, they are exceptions because they are not the expected.
    Professor Lynn supports the conclusions in the above tables. He shows that psychopathic personality is, to a significant degree, genetic and varies by race. Blacks have a high psychopathic personality while East Asians have the lowest. Whites are between them. Blacks are less able to sustain consistent work behavior than are Whites and East Asians. Conduct disorder (lying, stealing, truancy, fighting, vandalism, sexual precocity, cruelty, and the like) is about twice as high among Blacks as among Whites. Blacks are much more likely to fail to keep their financial obligations than are Whites. Moreover, Blacks are much more aggressive than Whites or East Asians, and, therefore, commit many more crimes in proportion to their population. East Asians are the least likely to commit crimes. Domestic violence is much higher among Blacks than among Whites. Furthermore, Blacks have much more difficulty forming stable, long-term loving relationships than Whites or East Asians, who are more likely than Whites to form such relationships. Also, Blacks have more sexual partners than do Whites, who have more than East Asians. Blacks are more impulsive than are Whites. Whites are more likely to delay gratification for a greater reward than are Blacks. Moreover, Blacks are more reckless and take greater risks than do Whites or Asians. Blacks are less likely to use contraception than Whites, and, thus, have more unplanned babies and more sexually transmitted diseases than Whites and East Asians. Furthermore, Blacks are more likely to abuse and neglect their children than are Whites. Lynn cites numerous studies to support his conclusion.[3]
    Professor Levin shows that Blacks and Whites have different concepts of morality, mostly because of genetics. He defines morality as the rules that people want everyone to follow and that they want everyone to want everyone to follow. He uses honesty as an example. Thus, acts that most Blacks find morally acceptable, such as theft, drug use, and preoccupation with sex, most Whites reject. The opposite is also true: What Whites find morality acceptable, Blacks often reject. Because of genetics, “Black children cannot be expected to respond as white children do to externally imposed white socialization.”  Also, because of genetics, Blacks are more likely to kill with firearms because they lack the genes to restrain them from killing with weapons that they did not invent. Levin gives other examples.[4] Thus, race is a strong indicator of morality and values and, by that, character.
    Nevertheless, other categorizations can be used, but they are not nearly as accurate or precise as race. For example, occupation may be used as a shortcut or a preliminary judgment of a person’s character when one lacks the time and resources to know the person on a personal level. Certain occupations, such as the stereotypical politicians (the more prestigious the office, the lower the character), lawyers, used car salesmen, burglars, old media personalities and their bosses, and establishment hierarchs and their agents, indicate poor character. However, most occupations are useless as indicators of character. Moreover, determining a person’s race at a glance is much easier than determining a person’s occupation.  Likewise, nearly all other categorizations, including socioeconomic status, are inferior to race as an indicator or predictor of character.
    Intelligence offers another judgment of character without intimate knowledge. It is largely inherited and varies with race. The intelligence of Blacks on average is about a standard deviation below that of Whites. The intelligence of East Asians on average is slightly above that of Whites. For better or worse, genetics controls the character of a lower-intelligent person more than it does the character of a higher-intelligent person because the higher-intelligent person is more likely to use his intellect to control his character for better or worse. That is, highly intelligent people are much more likely to use their intelligence to overcome their genetically influenced good and bad character traits than are low-intelligent people. Even so, character is more of a guide for intelligence than intelligence is for character. That is, character directs intelligence more than intelligence directs character. Thus, intelligence is not a good indicator of character. Furthermore, determining a person’s intelligence quickly is often difficult. As intelligence is related to race and as race is easier to determine, race is a better indicator of character, even if it is just used as a surrogate for intelligence.
    Genetics, culture, and environment form character. Intelligence is predominately determined by genetics: Genetics accounts for about 70 percent of a person’s intelligence. Intelligence creates culture and greatly controls or regulates environment. Therefore, genetics is the dominant force behind character. As race results from genetics, race is a good indicator of character.
    Here is the test. If you are walking down a dark street at night and you see a group of Blacks coming toward you and if you look across the street and see a group of Whites, would you cross the street? If so, you are not only judging character based on race, but you are also a racist. Be honest: Your life may depend on it.
     People who rely on race to judge character will be accused of being prejudiced. However, using race to judge character is not prejudice. T.B. Matson, an integrationist, defines “prejudice” as “a prejudgment, or judgment not based on knowledge or experience. It implies an opinion based on insufficient or irrelevant data.”[5]  This is a good definition. According to this definition, judging character by race is not based on insufficient or irrelevant data. People who judge character based on race are not making a judgment in a vacuum or based on irrelevant or insufficient data. Their judgment is based on statistics, knowledge, observation, and experience.
    Real prejudice is displayed by people who claim that the races are identical, equal, equivalent, or interchangeable, except for a few unimportant surface features such as the type of hair, the shape of the nose, or the color of skin.  They claim that the races do not differ in intelligence, temperament, or character or in any other nonmorphological trait. To support their assertion, they offer no evidence, studies, or facts. Moreover, they offer nothing but violence and coercion to counter and suppress the information, studies, or evidence that show that the races do differ genetically, innately, in intelligence, temperament, character, and other nonmorphological traits. Their resort to force proves that these people have nothing more to support their claim of racial equivalency except their personal biases and prejudices.
    In conclusion, when one lacks the time and resources to learn personally, with a good deal of interaction, the character of an individual, race serves as perhaps the best surrogate available in judging character. Besides, why would one want to waste valuable time and resources to learn personally the character of another only to discover that his character is despicable?

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.


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Endnotes
1. J. Philippe Rushton, Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1995), pp. 25, 48-49, 51-52, 58.

2. J. Deniker, The Races of Man: An Outline of Anthropology and Ethnography (London, England: Walter Scott, Limited, 1900), p. 121. Charles Morris, The Aryan Race: Its Origin and Its Achievements (Chicago, Illinois: S. C. Griggs and Company, 1888), pp. 24-27. A. H. Keane, Man Past and Present, revised by A. Hingston Quiggin and A. C. Haddon (Cambridge, 1920), pp. 41, 85, 133, 164, 219, 255, 333, 439.

3. Richard Lynn, “Race and Psychopathic Personality,” A Race Against Time: Racial Heresies for the 21st Century, ed. George McDaniel (Oakton, Virginia: New Century Books, 2002), pp. 204-211.

4. Michael Levin, “The Evolution of Racial Differences in Morality,” A Race Against Time: Racial Heresies for the 21st Century, ed. George McDaniel (Oakton, Virginia: New Century Books, 2002), pp. 266-271.

5.  T.B. Matson, Segregation and Desegregation: A Christian Approach (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1959), pp. 47-48.

Monday, June 19, 2017

For Whom Is the Constitution Written?

For Whom Is the Constitution Written?
Thomas Allen

    For whom is the Constitution for the United States of America written? The answer is easy. The preamble clearly states for whom the Constitution is written. The preamble reads:
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
    “We the People of the United States . . . to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” Who are “ourselves” and “our posterity?” They are the people who wrote and adopted the Constitution and their descendants. That is, they are Aryans, Whites. As Aryans wrote and adopted the Constitution, it is solely for Aryans. As almost all Aryans then abided by the Biblical prohibition against interracial mating, they expected their posterity to be Aryan. (If any Aryan sinned and had a child by a person of another race, that child was not considered an Aryan.)
    Therefore, the Constitution is not written for Negroes. It is not written for Melanochroi from India, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Somalia, etc. Moreover, it is not written for Turanians from China, Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Southeast Asia, etc. Nor is it written for the Turanian Indians and mestizos from Latin America. Likewise, it is not written for Indo-Australians and Khoisans.
     Supporting the notion that the Constitution is written for Aryans is the first naturalization law, which was enacted in 1790. It restricted naturalization to free Whites. It excluded Blacks, American Indians, Muslims, and later Asians. Furthermore, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and other founding fathers declared that the United States was and should be a White man’s country. By the way, nearly every President, if not every President, held this sentiment until John Kennedy.
    In conclusion, Aryans wrote and adopted the Constitution for the United  States of America for Aryans. They did not write it for Negroes, Melanochroi, Turanians, Indo-Australians, or Khoisans. Until Whites in the United States realize and admit that the Constitution is written solely for them and for no other race, species of humans, the social, political, and economic problems affecting the United States will not be solved. Until ministers start teaching the Biblical prohibition against interracial mating, these problems will not be solved. Moreover, constitutionalists need to acknowledge that the Constitution is solely for Aryans and need to proclaim such. A necessary part of solving the social, political, and economic problems of the United States is returning to the Constitution in its original intent. Admitting that the Constitution is only for Aryans, Whites, is a necessary and essential part of this return. A return to Constitutional government cannot be made without this acknowledgment.
    The biggest hindrances to returning to Constitutional government are Christian ministers and constitutionalists. Because of political correctness, ignorance of the Bible, or fear of being called a “racist,” ministers fail to teach that the Scriptures prohibit miscegenation and interracial mating, that Adam was an Aryan, White, and only Aryans are created in the image of God, and that God is a segregationist and a racial separationist. (God confusing the languages of man as a result of constructing the Tower of Babel is perhaps the greatest act of segregation and racial separation ever experienced by mankind in recorded history.) Likewise, because of political correctness, ignorance of the Constitution, or fear of being called a “racist,” constitutionalists fail to identify the people for whom the Constitution is written and to teach that it is written solely for Whites.
    Before ministers and constitutionalists can return to the proper understanding of the Bible and the Constitution, they need to abandon the Deity of King. They need to cease the idolatry of bowing before his idol. To do this, they need to realize, acknowledge, and teach that Martin Luther King was a rabble-rouser, a scoundrel, a frontman for the Communist Party, and a leader of one of the most destructive movements that the United States have ever endured, the civil rights movement. (As a result of the civil rights movement, the immigration laws were changed to discriminate against Whites and to flood the country with non-Whites such that in a few years, Whites will be a minority in their own country. It also brought the war on poverty, racial and sexual quotas, affirmative action, effeminized and emasculated men, degraded women, homosexual marriages, legalized abortion, growth in out-of-wedlock children, genocide via interracial mating, etc.)

Appendix 1.
    Most people incorrectly refer to the Constitution for the United States of America as the Constitution of the United States of America. According to the preamble, the correct title is the “Constitution for the United States of America.”

Appendix 2.

    Most people refer to the United States in the singular: the United States is. However, the Constitution refers to the United States in the plural: the United States are. For example, Article III, Section 3, Paragraph 1 reads, “Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.” The plural pronouns, “their” and “them” are used to refer to the United States.
    Some historians argue that Lincoln’s War to Suppress Southern Independence was fought over a verb. Lincoln and his supporters fought for “is” while the Southern States fought for “are.” Before the War, most people referred to the United States in the plural: they, them, their, are, etc. After the War, most people referred to the United States in the singular: it, its, is, etc.

Copyright © 2017 by Thomas Coley Allen.

More articles on politics.

Friday, February 10, 2017

Review of The Biology of the Race Problem

Review of The Biology of the Race Problem
Thomas Allen

    The following is a review of The Biology of the Race Problem by Dr. Wesley Critz George. It is a report prepared by the Commission of the Governor of Alabama in 1962. My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    George’s report was written in response to school desegregation orders of federal courts. It is a concise, cogent, convincing argument. The information presented is correct. Therefore, this review contains many quotations from his report with some summaries. Only a few commentary remarks have been added, and these mostly support George’s arguments.
    George briefly overviews the Supreme Court’s desegregation decision, Brown vs. Board of Education. “Support for that decision and adherence to or rejection of the programs that it imposes should be based upon the most complete and reliable knowledge and understanding that it is possible to obtain” (p. 1). [Proponents of this decision base their support mostly on Marxist egalitarian emotionalism. Although many opponents based their opposition on emotionalism, many based theirs on science and history.] He notes, “There is no record that the Court or the Federal government has at any time sought to get that knowledge and understanding, although the opinions of certain ‘authorities’ were cited as justification for the ruling” (p. 1). [These authorities were Marxist sociologists, psychologists, and anthropologists. They believed the Boas’ dogma that environment makes the man; heredity, genetics, is irrelevant.] When the Supreme Court abandoned former legal precedence and the historic meaning of the Constitution and based its decision on “science” and the opinions of “authorities,” it made the validity of its ruling dependent on the truth and the validity of its scientific material (p. 5). [This may be true for the rational mind. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court had an agenda: to integrate American society and by that bring down America, the White race, and Western Civilization. It had to be highly selective in its “science.” It selected Marxist “authorities” who supported racial integration and rejected all other scientists and authorities.]
    George remarks that one of the most important problems facing America is, “Shall we pursue programs that would result in mixing the genes of the Negro race with those of the White race and so convert the population of the United States into a mixed-blooded people” (p. 1)? [The ruling elite knows that adulteration of the gene pool of the White race would bring it and America down. Mixed-blooded people are easier to control than the pure White race. Although interracial mating increased rapidly after 1960, it did not increase nearly enough. So, the ruling elite began flooding the country with non-Whites to make Whites a minority in their own country.]
    George states that some fundamental questions need to be answered before adopting a program to integrate the races. Some of these questions are:
    1) Are babies born equal in the biological sense, or are there significant differences between them before environment plays a part in molding them?
    2) What is the mechanism of biological inheritance?
    3) Is the difference between the White and Negro races primarily a “paint job” or are there differences of such fundamental nature and significance that they should be taken into consideration in deciding upon social and educational policies involving the relations of the races?
    4) Are significant differences in individuals and in races hereditary or are they produced anew in each generation by environmental influences?
    5) What should we expect to be the long range results of a program that would lead to racial amalgamation (p. 2)?   
Most of his report deals with answering these questions.
    Environmentalists “promote the idea that all babies born into the world arrive with essentially equal endowments and that subsequent differences are the result of forces outside the individual” (p. 2). [The Supreme Court based its desegregation ruling on environmentalism and rejected heredity, i.e., genetics.]
    George adds, “This question [of environment versus heredity] probably seems absurd to all parents who have reared two or more children and have had an opportunity to observe and compare them from birth” (p. 4). They know that babies are not uniform and equal in endowments when they are born. He quotes several authorities who argue that each baby is born genetically unequal and with different endowments and capacities. They differ in physiques and in biochemical and physiological peculiarities (pp, 4-7).
    Environmentalists argue “that all babies are very much alike at birth, and that the differences which become apparent as they mature are due to conditioned reflexes” (p. 4). Hereditarians argue that infants differ from all other infants and that infants are just as much individuals as are adults (p. 4). [Environmentalists maintain that environment determines a person’s intelligence, character, temperament, personality, etc. Genetic influences are insignificant. Hereditarians maintain that genetics play an important role, and often a dominant role, in determining a person’s intelligence, character, temperament, personality, etc. They do acknowledge that the environment has varying amounts of influence.]
    George quotes Dr. Gesell, a child development expert: “Every child is born with a natural which colors and structures his experiences. . . . He has constitutional traits and tendencies largely inborn, which determine how, what, and to some extent even when he will learn. These traits are both racial and familial” (p. 5). “[F]eatures of individuality begin to be recognizable long before birth” (p. 5). Again, George quotes Dr. Gesell: “Racial differences are recognizable by the fourth fetal month. . . . The musculature of the Negro fetus is more compact and coarsely bundled than that of the white fetus of similar age” (p. 5).
    George cites Dr. C.D. Darlington, a professor of botany, identifying a long list of properties that are genetically controlled and determined (p. 6).
    Next George discusses the mechanism of heredity (pp. 7-9).
    Then he proceeds to answer the question: Are there fundamental differences between the White and Negro races (pp. 10-12). Policies and programs should depend on the correct answer to this question (p. 13). [Policymakers ignore this question because the correct answer does not support their policies.]
    “Many integrationists have been persistent advocates of the dogma that there are no significant differences between races that changes in the environment will not eliminate” (p. 13). [Programs and policies adopted by the U.S. government during the last 60 years have been based on this erroneous premise. And they have been a complete failure in achieving their ostensible purpose. If their real purpose is to destroy the White race and by that bring down America and Western Civilization, they have been highly successful.]
    George quotes several authorities who refute the environmentalist premises (pp. 13-16). “Charles Darwin writes, ‘The races differ . . . in constitution, in acclimatization, and liability to certain diseases. Their mental characteristics are also very distinct (pp. 13-14).’” Dr. Mildred Trotter, an anthropologist and a professor of gross anatomy, found that “. . . bones of the Negro skeleton are denser than bones of the white skeleton. . . . Another example of the pervasive influence and expression of race is found in the fact that individuals of the White and Negro races differ in the protein components of the blood serum. This is hereditary, the mode of inheritance being a two allelic system without dominance” (p. 14).
    George quotes professor Robert Gayre, who states, “Thus the typical Negroid has, among other characters peculiar to himself, a dark skin, dark non-straight and non-wavy hair, dark eyes, a strong tendency to prognathism, thick everted lips, broad, flat and open nostrils, and generally a long skull (although there are also broad skulled Negroes as well)” (p. 16).
    Next George discusses non-morphological racial difference (pp. 16-18). He cites Dr. J.C. Carothers, who notes that Negroes are governed more by emotion than intellect, whereas Whites are governed more by intellect (p. 18).
    George discusses the results of intelligence tests (pp. 18-22). These tests “show that the mean achievement of Negro groups is considerably below the mean achievement of comparable White groups” (p. 19). He quotes Dr. Audrey Shuey’s  summary of Dr. Henry E. Garrett’s work:
    1) The I. Q.’s of American Negroes are from 15 to 20 points, on the average, below those of American whites.
    2) Negro overlap of white median I. Q.’s ranges from 10 to 25 per cent — equality would require 50 per cent.
    3) About six times as many whites as Negroes fall in the “gifted child” category.
    4) About six times as many Negroes as whites fall below 70 I. Q. — that is, in the feeble-minded group.
    5) Negro-white differences in mean test score occur in all types of mental tests, but the Negro lag is greatest in tests of an abstract nature — for example, problems involving reasoning, deduction, comprehension. These are the functions called for in education above the lowest levels.
    6) Differences between Negro and white children increased with chronological age, the gap in performance being largest at the high-school and college levels.
    7) Large and significant differences in favor of whites appear even when socioeconomic factors have been equated (pp. 19-20).
    George adds, “The claim that Negro-White differences in mental tests would be eliminated if educational and other cultural factors were equalized has little validity. On the contrary, the available evidence demonstrates the improbability that equalization of cultural factors would ever equalize average test scores” (p.20). He supports his conclusion with the testing done by Tanser in 1939 of Negroes in Kent County, Ontario. Blacks have lived here for more than a century in an integrated community with integrated schools; they have had every political and social advantage as Whites. Tanser found that the intellectual capacity of these Blacks was significantly below that of Whites. [Studies done since George wrote affirm his conclusions. Moreover, after 60 years of programs designed to make Blacks intellectually equal to Whites have done little to reduce the gap between the intelligence of Blacks and Whites.]
    George concludes his discussion on intelligence with a quote from Pitrim Sorokin, chairman of sociology at Harvard:
The environment of either the Russian peasantry before the annihilation of serfdom, or of the mediaeval serfs, or of the Roman and the Greek slaves was probably not any better, if indeed it was not worse, than the environment of the American negro before 1861 or at the present moment. Yet these slaves and serfs of the white race, in spite of their environment, yielded a considerable number of geniuses of the first degree, not to mention the eminent people of a smaller caliber. Meanwhile, excepting, perhaps, a few heavyweight champions and eminent singers, the American negroes have not up to this time produced a single genius of great caliber. These considerations and facts seem to point at the factor of heredity, without which all these phenomena cannot be accounted for (p. 22).
    Next George discusses race and crime (pp. 22-25). He admits that the environment is a major contributor to crime. However, race is also an important contributor and should not be ignored. “Records show a much higher rate among Negroes than among Caucasians. This difference seems to bear some relation to differences in personality and behavioral characteristics of the two races” (pp. 22-23). George cites W.A. Bonger, a criminologist, and FBI statistics to support his conclusions (p. 23). [The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Violence in America published by the New Century Foundation supports George’s conclusion. Also see “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen.]
    George remarks that when Negroes were scarce in the North, Northerners who came South noticed a disproportionately large number of Blacks on road gangs and in prisons. They concluded, “that the predominance of Negro prisoners was due to Southern injustice and abuse of the Negro” (p. 23). As Negroes migrated to Northern cities in large numbers, they began to fill northern jails and prisons. Then the unbiased Northerners saw a relationship between race and crime. However, diehard integrationists refused to acknowledge any such relationship (pp. 23-25).
    George then discusses the physical basis for intellectual and behavioral differences (pp. 25-35). Most of this discussion is about the differences in brain weight and structure between Blacks and Whites. The average brain weight of Blacks is less than that of Whites. On average, the frontal lobes of Blacks are smaller than those of Whites (p. 30). “‘The frontal lobes are the portion of the brain most essential to biological intelligence’” (p. 29).
    George quotes Dr. Robert Bean, an anthropologist and professor of anatomy, stating that “the Negro has the lower mental faculties (smell, sight, handicraftmanship, body sense) well developed; the Caucasian the higher (self-control, will power, ethical and esthetic senses and reason)” (p. 32). According to Dr. R.M. Yerkes, a professor of psycho-biology, “. . . the Negro, as compared with the white man of equal intelligence, is relatively strong in language, in acquaintance with verbal meanings, in perception and observation; and he is relatively weak in judgment, in ability to analyze and define exactly, and in reasoning” (p. 32).
    George cites F.W. Vint of the Medical Research Laboratory, Kenya, as stating, “The cortical measurements of the native [Negroes] show that, except in the visuo-sensory area (area 7), the lamina zonalis [a fiber layer] is in every case greater than in the European brain, whereas the measurement of the supragranular layer is smaller. . . .” (p. 33) George adds, “‘Hammarburg found that a comparatively small diminution in the development of the cortical cells was sufficient to reduce the intelligence to moderate imbecility. As the total weight of these cells is relatively so small, their moderate diminution would not reduce the brain-weight beyond a very moderate range of variation” (p. 34). “As demonstrated by Vint, they are reduced in Negroes by about 14% in the supragranular layers” (p 34).
    Next George discusses genetics, behavior, and breed differences in animals (pp. 35-45). He reviews studies on the relation of morphology to behavior traits in different breeds of dogs (pp. 36-44). These studies showed“that hybrids resulting from crossing strongly contrasting breeds often show physical and behavioral disharmonies” (p. 41). George quotes Dr. Stockard, the senior investigator of these dog studies, as stating, “The further these studies progress the more certain it becomes that along with structural qualities, the functions and behavior of individuals are the products of a definite genetic constitution interacting with a correlated chemical environment, regulated to an important degree by the endocrine glands” (p. 43). Thus, animal studies show “that qualities of mind and behavior are largely determined by heredity” (p. 36).
    He quotes Sir Julian Huxley, a biologist and often an icon of the progressives, who wrote:
The enormous phenotypic differences, in individual and social group achievement, are of course obvious. At the moment, it is socially and intellectually fashionable to minimize or even to deny such differences. This is sometimes done in the name of democracy, or because of the hypnotic effects of the ideas of the American and French revolutions concerning the equality of man, or as a misinterpretation of the Christian doctrine, or in natural reaction against the errors of racism, and of eugenics when treated as a dogma and not as an applied science (p. 35).
[Today, failure to deny racial difference is a quick road to ostracism and ruin, especially in academia, the media, and politics.]
    Next George discusses the inheritance of intelligence and behavior in man (pp. 45-58). He divides the discussion into four parts.
    First, he discusses the genetics of genius (pp. 45-49). George quotes several authorities whose observations and studies show that genius is inherited, i.e., genetic. “[A]bility is not distributed haphazardly, but it clings to certain families, as characteristic physical features do” (p. 48). Brilliance often runs in families.
    Second, George discusses the genetics of crime (pp. 49-50). “Evidence for the genetic factor in crime is presented by studies of twins” (p. 49). He cites several authorities to support the genetics of crime — the studies of twins being the most pertinent. [More recent studies support George’s argument.]
    Third, George discusses the genetics of mental abnormality (pp. 50-53). He notes that recognized genetic abnormalities exist, e.g., Down’s syndrome,  Klinefelter syndrome, infantile amaurotic idiocy (which occurs in about 1 in 50 Jews and 1 in 100 in non-Jews), and microcephaly. Schizophrenia occurs more frequently in blood relatives of schizophrenics than in the general population. He [rightly] asserts that if one accepts the correlation between these chromosomal and genetic irregularities, he must, if he is consistent, accept the notion that genetics is important in the origin of the human psyche (p. 50).
    He quotes Goodman and Herndon, who are geneticists:
Genetic factors play a role in the causation of many types of mental retardation and are contributory to many others. . . . Few persons would possess genes leading to the development of either high or low intelligence exclusively, and most would have about the average number. Parents who are mentally retarded have a higher proportion of genes for lower intelligence than do normal parents. Hence a higher proportion of the children of retarded parents are expected and observed to be retarded (pp. 51-52).
    George concludes, “When one sees at one end of the scale that genius runs in families and at the other end of the scale that microcephaly and amaurotic idiocy run in families, and remembers that crime does also, one can hardly avoid the conclusion that heredity is an important factor in determining the character of a population” (pp. 52-53). He adds:
While it is true that cultural factors influence men and do not influence animals, at least not to the same degree, it is likewise clear that cultures themselves are in part the products of differing genes. Population groups have the capacity for “adopting cultural patterns,” as equalitarian social and cultural agents express it, but in certain cases the adoption is parasitic and degenerative and without the capacity either to build or to sustain (p. 59, fn 82).
    Fourth, George discusses other witnesses to the hereditary basis for intelligence and behavior (pp. 53-56). He cites several authorities who refuted the assertion of integrationists and other egalitarians who claim “that no scientists hold the view that men are born with different hereditary talents” (p. 53).
    He quotes Fuller and Thompson’s book, Behavior Genetics: “In summary, it may be said that the data gathered with human subjects point to heredity as an important determiner of the intellectual level though certainly not the only one” (p. 34).
        He quotes R. Ruggles Gates, a professor of botany:
All those who have any respect for the facts, will agree that men differ in their mentality at least as widely as in their physique. . . . Those who study dispassionately the inheritance of mental differences, normal or pathologic, must conclude, I believe, that those differences are inherited in the same way as are physical (bodily) differences (p. 54).
    George quotes Carl Stern, a professor of genetics:
Men are born genetically unequal. This is a fact of nature, and quite independent of the conclusions which may result from its political and sociological interpretations. . . . If men are unequal genetically, then our actions and inactions are bound to influence the genetic composition of the future human populations (p. 54).
    Besides the above, George also quotes Dr. J.V.  Neel, professor of human genetics; Dr. James F. Bonner, professor of biology; Dr. Hermann J. Muller, Nobel prize-winning professor of genetics; and Dr. Arnold Gesell to support the notion that intelligence is not independent of genetics. [Today, if any professor states what these professors stated in an era of free speech, academic freedom, and non-politicized science, he would lose his job.]
    George concludes, “It is very unlikely, indeed, if any geneticist, speaking as a geneticist, would deny that genetics plays a major role in the determination of intelligence, personality, and behavior” (p. 56). He adds, “When the justices of the Supreme Court embraced the error of Myrdal without critical examination, they contributed to their own deception and deprived the people of the United States of their right to a firm foundation of truth for anything that purports to be the law of the land” (p 56). [Myrdal claimed that psychic traits, personality traits, and intelligence are not genetic; they develop through experience. He was a proponent of the Boas’ dogma.]
    Then George proceeds to answer the question: Are racial differences hereditary (pp. 57-64)? He concludes that they are. To support his conclusion, he  quotes Dr. David Rife, professor of genetics:
Sheer logic tells us that if individuals differ genetically with respect to intelligence, populations also must differ in this same respect. . . . [A] recognition of the biological basis of human differences can be an invaluable asset. All men are “brothers” but as any parent of two or more children will testify, brothers may differ greatly from one to another. Furthermore, many of these differences are more than skin deep, and go literally to the bone (p. 58).
    George adds:
As pointed out by Gesell, racial differences are determined in part by differences in the racial pools of genes and in part by differences in environment. The genes react with the substance of the body and the body reacts with the environment in accordance with the nature of the genes. Many genes in Negroes and Whites are common to both races, to all races of men. Many of the genes common to both races are unequally distributed in the two races. Many other genes, and the traits that result from them, are characteristic of one race or the other. The genetic behavior of some of these exclusive, or virtually exclusive, genes for one race, like the gene for the sickle-cell trait in the Negro, has been demonstrated (pp. 59-60).
[To repeat myself, studies done after George wrote this report add more support to his argument and conclusion.]
    Next George discusses the origin of racial differences (pp. 60-64). Primarily, he follows the theory of Carleton Coon, president of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists. Coon argues that the modern races of humans began appearing at least 360,000 years ago in Homo erectus, and the Negro race is a relatively young race, which appeared about 200,000 years after the White race (p. 63). [For a polygenetic creationist view of the origin of the races of humans, see Adam to Abraham: The Early History of Man and Species of Men: A Polygenetic Hypothesis both by Thomas Coley Allen.]
    Then George asks, Should we promote racial amalgamation (pp. 64-75)? To begin answering this question, he asks:
Since individual differences in structure, intelligence and behavior are in large measure genetic in origin and therefore transmissible from generation to generation, and since racial differences are due to differences in the pool of genes of the races, what should be our attitude towards the promotion of programs that would bring about protoplasmic mixing of the White and Negro races in this country (p. 64)?
    “[T]o answer that question by reassertion of the dogma of equality [or] with vague words about morality and social justice and brotherhood” (p. 64) as the integrationists and egalitarians do is insufficient. The facts need to be examined along with the anticipated consequences of the proposed action. The answer to this question should be based on knowledge and thoughtfulness rather than on emotional judgment. [The answer of integrationists and other egalitarians is based on emotional judgment. They give little weight to scientific facts probably because scientific facts do not support their predetermined conclusion, i.e., their prejudices.]
    In answering this question, George looks at the historical facts. The White race led the Agricultural Revolution and the Scientific Revolution followed closely by the Mongoloids (p. 65). The historical record of the Negro race is void of any important achievements (pp. 65-66). “In defense of this record and of Negro racial characteristics generally, two major arguments have been advanced: The ‘historical accident’ explanation and the ‘hot climate’ explanation. We will examine each of these in turn” (p. 66). Then, George explains the flaws of these two theories.
    The historical accident explanation fails for two reasons. First, “[i]t is not in accord with early history. The fact is that trans-Saharan Africans have been in contact with other peoples since the dawn of history through the migration of Negroes into Egypt and Ethiopia and through the explorations and commercial expeditions of Egyptians, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Asiatics into Africa" (p. 67).
    Second, “[i]t is not in accord with recent history. The Negro race in recent times has shown a resistance to creative urges from civilized contacts” (p. 67). The second is evident in the [then] segregated South where rural poor and inhabitants of city slums were predominately Black and the integrated North where the inhabitants of city slums were predominately Black. [Even today with forced integration of America with special Black privileges, Blacks are still the preponderant inhabitants of poor rural areas and city slums.]
    Also, George uses Haiti and northeastern Brazil as evidence that the historical accident explanation is false. Blacks have governed Haiti for more than a century, and it is “a national slum” (p. 68). [Sub-Saharan Africa is another example. As the White imperial powers withdrew from Africa the living standard of the common Black declined while that of the ruling elite and their favorites skyrocketed. Many countries collapsed back into barbarism. Most prosperity in Africa today results from the actions of Whites and East Asians.]
    The hot climate explanation also fails. Under this explanation, hot steaming jungles of the tropics caused the African Negro backwardness. However, other races have developed advanced civilizations in similar environments, e.g., the Mayans in the tropical rain forests of Central America. Moreover, Africa is not all desert and jungle. Much of Africa is a high plateau that rises above the hot, humid coastal areas and river valleys (pp 68-70).
    However, climate may affect a population. Some argue that regarding intelligence and behavior:
where food is available for the gathering, and where foresight and protection from the rigors of winter are unnecessary, nature has not been effective in eliminating the improvident and the lazy or in selectively perpetuating the more intelligent, the foresighted and the industrious. In consequence, as generations have come and gone, there has been less selection than in more severe environments of a population with those qualities of mind and character which overcome hostile or unfavorable conditions of nature, terminating in civilized society (p 70).
[Thus, climate may have dulled the intellect of the Negro and may have sharpened the intellect of other races.]
    Next George discusses heredity versus environment in Negro history (pp. 71-75). About 1860, Francis Galton observed, “The Negro now born in the United States has much the same natural faculties as his distant cousin who is born in Africa; the effect of his transplantation being ineffective in changing his nature, but very effective in increasing his numbers” (p. 71). George adds, “After another hundred years that statement is still true in spite of some appearances of progress. Although Negro colleges and universities have been built, they have been built almost wholly with the white man’s money and the white man’s brains” (p. 71).
    With several examples, George shows that genetics makes the race and not the environment. First, he contrasts the United States with Brazil. According to George F. Carter, a professor of geography, Brazil has twice as much potentially useful land than does the United States, which have a mediocre environment at best. Carter states, “The difference is ideas — their spread, the acceptance or rejection of them” (p. 72). To which George adds, “The biologist might add that the primary difference is in the presence or absence in the population of the pool of genes necessary to produce the minds and the personalities that will find and make use of the ideas” (p. 72). [Moreover, Brazil has had a racially integrated society since slavery ended.]
    Next George compares the United States and Canada with Latin America. He writes:
    When the United States and Canada were being settled by people from western Europe, the settlers came to establish new homes, and they brought their women with them. They established homes and raised families and gave rise to succeeding generations of relatively homogenous people of English and European stock. They created a civilization of essentially European type because they had the pool of genes of European people as well as European memories and contacts.
     So far as Brazil is concerned, and much of Central and South America, the invading Europeans were not colonizers intent on establishing new homes in a new country; they were largely conquerors and adventurers. They did not generally bring their women, their families with them. They satisfied their sexual urges by interbreeding with the native Indian women and later on with Negro women too, after the introduction of Negro slaves. In consequence, they did not give rise to succeeding generations of homogeneous European stock such as that found in North America. The[y] produced a population composed of whites, Indians, Negroes, mestizos and mulattoes. Such is the contemporary "underprivileged" population of these underdeveloped, poor countries that look to the United States to raise their standards of living (p. 72-73).

    He quotes Dr. George E. Mowry, a professor of American history. In 1947, Mowry estimated the population of Latin America to be about 25 million Whites, 38 million mestizos, 17 million Indians, 25 million mulattoes, and 14 million Negroes. Most of the Whites lived in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, southern Brazil, and Costa Rica (p. 73). George concludes:
The facts of history in these countries virtually force us to the conclusion that the ability to develop a high culture is conditioned by the genetic endowment of a population group. Also, the facts of history throughout the world provide no justification for any faith that a mulatto population would advance our civilization in this country or would even maintain it. Experience has shown that Negroid peoples have the desire to utilize the products of a high culture but they seem not to possess the combination of human qualities necessary to originate them. Nowhere in the world have they demonstrated that they have the creative capacities (the intelligence, the industry, the drive, and the persistence) to make a civilization; nor is there an advanced civilization in any area where there has been a high degree of absorption of Negro genes into a white population (p. 73-74).
[So far, integrationists and egalitarians have not refuted George’s conclusions. When they cannot ignore them, they resort to emotional platitudes, meaningless or misleading phrases, name-smearing tactics, threats, or violence because they cannot refute them intellectually with knowledge and facts.]
    On the importance of maintaining the race, George quotes Dr. James G. Needham, a professor of entomology, stating, “The road to social deterioration runs by way of continued breeding from inferior stock. . . .  Devastated cities may be rebuilt again by renewed labor and lost fortunes may be reestablished. . . .  But the powers of mind and character eliminated by bad breeding may hardly be restored” (p. 74).
    Next George offers recommendations for social justice and national greatness (pp. 75-78). They are:
    1) Avoid those actions and programs that seem destined to bring about deterioration in the quality of our genetic pool. More specifically, it means the avoidance of any compulsory programs that would tend to bring about the mating of well-endowed, potentially creative people with poorly endowed, uncreative people. [Avoid integration, especially forced integration, especially the forced integration of children.]
    2) Adopt programs that have good promise of raising the quality of our pool of genes and so increasing the number of able and wise people in our population, since the production of the maximum number of able and wise men seems the surest way to national greatness.
    3) Insofar as our knowledge, wisdom, and resources permit, improve the quality of our environment so as to permit and stimulate the fruition of all our good genetic potentialities in order to further increase the chances for the production of wise leaders and able people at all levels. In engineering this good environment, it is desirable for the social planners and politicians to remember that it is apparently more difficult to tell what is a good environment than it is to tell what is good heredity.
    4) White people should assist Negroes in providing as good an environment for their children as they are capable of creating; but for the federal government to compel White parents to send their children to school in as bad an environment as Negroes can and do create is neither social justice nor wise national policy (pp 75-77).
    To his recommendation, George adds advice given by Dr. Charles Snyder, a professor of experimental physiology, who stated:
All history teaches us that stable representative democracies heretofore have been the rarest form of government and have been maintained only by very small segments of the earth’s total populations at any one time. . . . Therefore a people who are able to initiate, organize and maintain continually for a century or more a thorough-going representative government, and have been able to do so by virtue of their peculiar hereditary qualities (no matter what other unwonted or disadvantageous inborn qualities they may have), should never promote, and above all never legalize social integration with people who have never demonstrated such inborn capacities (p. 77, fn 112).
    Also, George notes:
Contrary to the allegations of many integrationists there is no intention upon the part of the majority of Southerners to “hold the superior Negro back” except in those areas of social integration that may lead to intermarriage. The able Negro still has every other area in which to exercise his business or intellectual ability among Whites, as well as the entire field of service to his own race. If this does not satisfy him, then there is a question as to whether he honestly wants legitimate “opportunity” or actually wants racial amalgamation (p. 78, fn 113).
[Marriage statistics support the notion that many Blacks wanted amalgamation. In 1960, 1.69 percent of Black marriages were interracial. In 2010, 14 percent of Black marriages were interracial.
    The primary objective of the civil rights movement and concomitant programs has not been to raise the Black man but to bring down the White man. The primary objective of integration is to make interracial breeding acceptable. Its objective is to destroy the races.]
    George concludes with a discussion of Franz Boas (pp. 78-87). Boas is the father [if I may use such a politically incorrect term] of the dogma that asserts “the absence of important and innate racial differences” (p. 78). [This is the dogma that the federal courts have relied on in their “civil rights” related rulings. Most of George’s report is directed at refuting and disproving Boas’ dogma.] He explains how Boas’ dogma has become so widely accepted. It prevails because “1) The scientific evidence has failed to reach the public mind. 2) Error, presented as scientific truth and intermingled with scientific truth, has flooded the public mind” (pp. 78-79). [He fails to mention that the ruling elite supports and promotes the Boas’ dogma primarily through its foundations.]
    According to Boas, one of his objectives was breeding the American Negro out of existence [that is, genocide]. “In 1921 he wrote, ‘It would seem that man being what he is, the Negro problem will not disappear in America until the Negro blood has been so diluted that it will no longer be recognized. . . .’ Therefore, the program of mixing children of all races in schools and playgrounds was devised as a means of bringing about interracial mixing of blood” (p. 82).
    [In summary, George was correct. Genetic studies and other related studies done since he wrote support his arguments. Unfortunately, George and hereditarianism have been ignored in setting race-related policies. Regardless of what science shows, the ruling elite is determined to integrate the races of the masses to destroy them so that it can more easily control what remains. If the real objective is to uplift the Black man, then both Blacks and Whites have to acknowledge the true nature of Blacks and their natural limitations. The Black man can never be uplifted by bringing down the White man, which is the current approach.]

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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