Thursday, April 27, 2017

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 3

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 3
Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 6, Putnam discusses questions sent to him after his book Race and Reason was published. [Only a few of these questions are presented below.]
    He is accused of increasing tension without offering a solution. Putnam responds:
The heart of the Negro problem lies in establishing the correct answer to one question, namely, are the Negro’s limitations the result of his bad environment or is his bad environment the result of his limitations? Can we, by making every effort to improve the Negro’s surroundings and education, reach the root cause of his comparative performance, or is it a matter of innate racial differences? Every public policy concerning race will be decided differently depending on the answer given to that question. . . . [I]f the answer is environment, policies will be the direct opposite of what they will be if the answer is genetics (p. 96).
[The race policies of the United States for more than 50 years have been based on the answer being environment. After spending hundreds of billions of dollars to improve and raise the environment of Blacks, little has changed. If anything, things are worse. According to most social indicators, such as divorce, abortion, illegitimate births, and crime, things are worse now than 60 years ago when the environmental dogma began being adopted into law. As Putnam notes, we need to adopt policies based on racial differences being predominately genetic.]
    Some asked, assuming the inferiority of the Negro, “[W]hy is it necessary to believe that intermarriage would necessarily lower the quality of human beings produced and thus the quality of American civilization?” Putnam answers:
Scientific evidence and practical experience regarding the intelligence of large unselected groups, and their creative achievements, show that Negroes as a group, in this country and across the world, have appreciably lower average intelligence scores and a vastly lower creative record throughout history. If we absorb twenty million largely uncreative Negroes into our White gene pool, the mixed product may be expected to lack the combination of qualities (insight, foresight, intelligence and drive) necessary to maintain and advance American civilization (p. 100).
[More important, God condemns interracial marriages (v. False Biblical Teachings on the Origins of the Races and Interracial Marriages, People of the Flood, and “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation” all by Thomas Allen). Moreover, integration results in genocide (v. Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Allen).]
    One person noted studies showing that White and Black infants up to 40 weeks revealed no differences and concluded that differences after that result from socioeconomic factors. Putnam replies, “[T]he lower centers of the brain and nervous system, in human beings and in animals, are the ones which mature first; the higher centers mature last. Therefore similarity of performance in the early stages of life signifies nothing as to adult potentiality” (p. 102). [Furthermore, studies show that genetics is much more important than socioeconomic status in determining cognitive abilities.]
    Another comment is “man alone is capable of culture and that cultural influences counteract and invalidate all your animal analogies and your references to evolutionary structure” (p. 103). To this comment Putnam writes:
This question contains a non sequitur. It is true that man alone is capable of culture but it does not follow that these influences overbalance structure. On the contrary we have seen that in the case of human beings heredity overbalances environment by a ratio of about three to one. This is just another way of saying that structure overbalances culture by the same ratio (p. 103).   
He adds:
[W]henever you hear an integrationist talk about the “cultural deprivation” which the Negro has suffered. The expression has become a cliche to account for all the Negro’s limitations. It is meaningless because you cannot speak of depriving a race of something it is, on the average, incapable of possessing (p. 104)
    To the question that achievement (economic, academic, artistic, and managerial) depends on much more than innate intelligence and brain size, Putnam responds:
        I have mentioned the probability that the development of the frontal lobes has a relation to planning, foresight and motivation — the use of intelligence. If this be true, then the brain is still involved in many attributes which might not be called intelligence in the narrowest sense.
        Beyond this we may say that a man’s character is the product not only of his brain and entire nervous system but also of his glands and internal secretions, which interact with his nervous system. Negroes differ from Whites in these secretions.
        Finally, there is that one-quarter contribution by environment. But with full allowance for these things, it still remains true that brain size is related to achievement. There is no contradiction (p. 107).
    Putnam is asked, “How is the Government of Liberia so stable?” He answers:
Because it is essentially a political dictatorship, supported economically by Firestone and the Bona Hills Iron mines. Although Liberia was founded by supposedly freedom-loving Negroes from America, the League of Nations was obliged to intervene in 1930 to stop the slave trade. It was found that the President and some of his highest officials were implicated. The President had to resign (p. 110).
Then he gives some statistics about the deplorable conditions of Liberia (p. 110).
    Some offer Brazil as a good example of a multiracial society and ask should not the United States emulate Brazil. Putnam doubts if many Americans want the United States to become another Brazil. [It seems that the ruling elite who control the U.S. government want the United States to become another Brazil — not only as a multiracial society but also politically and economically.] He notes that the most backward parts of Brazil have the greatest concentration of Negro genes. The most advanced parts have the smallest concentration of Negro genes. He compares Brazil with the United States and shows that the United States have a much longer life expectancy (35-40 years for Brazil and 67 years for the United States) and a much greater per capita gross national product ($200 for Brazil and $2823 for the United States) (pp. 110-111). [Putnam’s data are circa 1967. In 2015, the life expectancy in Brazil was 74 and in the United State, 79. In 2015, the gross domestic product for Brazil was $8802 and for the United States, $55,904.]
    Some reference scientists who assert that the burden of proof for innate racial inequality is on the racists [v. "Who Is a Racist" by Thomas Allen] to prove their superiority. Putnam finds this assertion pathetic. He retorts, “The burden of proof is upon those who would contradict all previously accepted fact and experience, and who would alter all previously established custom. As for the evidence itself, there is no evidence for equality” (p. 112).
    One asked why most Negroes raised in the U.S. segregated schools cannot qualify for U.S. colleges while many foreign Negroes can? In response, Putnam cites a report commissioned by the Ford and Carnegie foundations that show that too many students from Asia and Africa had a difficult time in American colleges (p. 113). He also cites a report based on “a study of 1278 Northern college students, [which showed that] those Negroes from Southern segregated schools did better than Negroes from Northern integrated schools” (p. 113).
    One asks Putnam to explain Negro children having higher aspirations than White children. Putnam answers, “Negroes have very high aspirations, often based on envy, but these are not matched by their performance.  It is because of their high aspirational level that Negroes want the short cuts which they are unable to create themselves” (p. 115). [Thus, they cowed spineless politicians and judges into imposing integration, affirmative action, quotas, and the like that legally favored Blacks over Whites.]
    Some commenters remark that I.Q. increases when students in a poor educational climate are placed in a better one. Putnam replies “. . . when you give two groups of different potential the same education you do not decrease the gap between them. You increase it, because the group with the higher potential will derive more from the education” (pp. 116-117). [People who make these types of comments are implying that Black teachers are inferior to White teachers as teachers are the primary determinant of the educational climate. I.Q. is the primary determinant of how well a student will do.]
    One person notes that I.Q. tests have been standardized from White populations. He asks how they can have any validity for Blacks. Putnam answers:
The American Negro speaks English, has grown up in an American culture and should experience no handicap in taking “White tests.” The Japanese in California don’t. Moreover, the Negro must live in our White society. What we are trying to measure is his ability to adapt to our society and to contribute to it. To the extent that the Negro does experience difficulty in taking White tests to just that extent will the nature of his mind be alien to the White mind. We have a culture based on abstract thought. The Negro is poor at abstract thinking. If this shows up in a test it does not invalidate the test. It confirms its validity (p. 117).   
[Studies show that Blacks score better on “culturally bias” tests than they do on culturally neutral tests.]
    Another asks why should a democratic society care about intermarriage of different I.Q. groups, i.e., intermarriage of Blacks and Whites. Putnam replies:
A democratic society ought to care about the qualities in its population which have made it capable of becoming and maintaining a stable, free civilization. No Negro population has ever been able to do this; . . . therefore, to the extent that a successful free society absorbs a Negro population, to that same extent will its success decline (p. 121).
    Another question is that since the I.Q. of Blacks and Whites students overlaps, why not divide classes by individual ability instead of race? Putnam answers, “[E]ducability is a matter of more than I.Q., and overlap in I.Q. does not necessarily mean overlap in other important factors” (p. 122). He adds, “[T]here is a basic human need for self-identification with one’s own kind which is part of the healthy psychological development of every individual” (p. 123).
    One commenter states “that the lack of perfect evidence of the Negro’s inequality (inferiority) is no reason to assume that he is equal. Is it not equally true that imperfect evidence of his equality is no reason to assume he is inferior” (p. 127). Putnam responses that this person assumes “that the evidence is equal, in amount and in imperfection, on each side. The truth of the matter is that the evidence is overwhelming on the side of inequality — indeed I know of no evidence at all on the side of equality” (p. 127).
    When asked, “Is not the right to integrate a constitutional right,” Putnam answers, “There is no ‘right’ to integration, either in our constitution, our moral code, or our religious precepts” (p. 128). Then he uses the example of segregating restrooms by sex. Because he is not allowed to use the ladies’ restroom, he has not been denied “equal rights” or “civil rights.” Nor has he been made a second-class citizen deprived of “human rights” (p. 128). [As the transgender agenda moves forward, courts will begin to order the integration of restrooms. The plaintiffs will argue, and the courts will accept that argument, that when a transgender person, or anyone else, is denied the use of the restroom of his choice, he has been denied “equal rights” and “civil rights” and has been made a second-class citizen deprived of “human rights.”] He concludes, “The Negro’s so-called ‘constitutional’ right to integration derives solely from the Supreme Court's decision in the Brown case. . . .  [T]his case was based upon misrepresentation and concealment of vital evidence bearing upon the genetic issue” (p. 128).
    Putnam is asked if the treatment of the Negro limits his equality of opportunity. He answers, “In the majority of cases the Negro’s failure is not due to a lack of opportunity but to a lack of capability. It is always easy to blame the latter on the former because opportunity itself is not easy to define” (p. 133). [To prove that Blacks are nor deprived of equal opportunity, courts and federal agencies have force businesses and institutions to resort to quotas, usually covertly but often overtly. This action has resulted in hiring or promoting lesser qualified Blacks over more qualified Whites. So much for White privilege.] He notes, “Most Negroes with intelligence and character have made their way very well in the United States” (p. 133) He gives an example of a highly successful Negro.
    Some people blame segregation for the lynchings, bombings, shootings, beatings, and unjust jailing of Blacks in the South. Putnam responds, “Segregation has not been the cause of [these] crimes . . .; the cause has been the attempt at force integration” (p. 138). To which he adds, “To the extent that crimes against the Negro were previously committed by Whites in the South, these were few in comparison to those committed by the Negro against other Negroes” (p. 138). [Even today, Negro crime victims are much more likely to be a victim of a Black criminal than of a White criminal (v. “The Dirty War: America’s Race War” by Thomas Allen).]
    One person asked, “how much do you think segregation has to do with causing the Negro to have such low moral standards, low I.Q., and high rate of illegitimate births and disease?” (p. 138).  Putnam answered, “If a patient has a contagious illness and is segregated from the public, for the public’s protection, how much does this have to do with the patient’s having the illness?” (p. 139). [In other words, these attributes contribute to segregation; they are not caused by it.]
    To the accusation that segregation enforces poverty, Putnam replies, “Segregation does not enforce poverty. The Jews have frequently been segregated throughout history, but they have not been made poor” (pp. 138-139). [Jews have been discriminated against many more centuries than have Blacks. Yet their wealth far exceeds their numbers. Today, Whites are discriminated against in favor of Blacks, yet on average they are wealthier than Blacks. Segregation is not the cause of poverty. Low cognitive ability is.]
    After the Goldwater defeat in 1964, many believe that the Republican party needed a broader base and needed to be more attractive to minority groups. Putnam replies, “When you please the Negro bloc, without carefully examining what you do, you are apt to be injecting into the bloodstream of the body politic the virus of collapse. The body politic in our case may be strong enough to stand a certain amount of such a virus, but it is bound to be weakened by it, and can be destroyed in the long run” (p. 141). [Today we are living in the long run and are witnessing the destructive effects of the virus injected in the 1960s. The United States are close to collapse with open borders and unlimited immigration contributing to the deterioration of the economy and political system. The descendants of the White founders will soon cease being a majority in their own country. The federal republic of liberty, limited government, free market economy, and rule of law is on its deathbed. The United States are becoming a third world country with oppression, corruption, controlled markets, arbitrary rule of man, and anti-White socioeconomic policies. The egalitarians have won; liberty has lost.]
    One person noted that the Supreme Court decided the Brown case on “the grounds that separate but equal schools for Whites and Negroes are inherently unequal and thus violate the 14th Amendment” (p. 141). Putnam responses, “Vassar and Yale are separate, but they are not inherently unequal. The inequality, if such it be, in the case of the separation of Negroes and Whites can result solely from the implication of inferiority” (p.144). He continues:
Now when evidence exists, but is not introduced at a trial, which indicates not only that integration increases the sense of inferiority as compared with segregation, but also that neither segregation nor integration creates the inferiority which is due rather to innate limitations and is thus a fact of life, do you . . . or the Fifth Circuit mean to say that this evidence has no bearing on the issues . . . (pp. 142-143)
    To the comment that his views conflict with Christ’s view that all men are brothers, Putnam responds with a quotation from Weyl and Possony: “If my brother is a cripple, do I treat him as if he were physically sound? If he is mentally retarded, does a brotherly attitude consist in pretending that he is normal” (p. 144).
    One objects to discussing racial differences because it angers and humiliates the Negro. Putnam replies that this is a trained response by Negroes. The cause of the Negro’s anger results from the While liberal, communist, and other egalitarians teaching him that his differences result from White injustice. This inflames him against Whites. “The average Negro honestly believes himself the victim of injustice and oppression, whereas the truth is he has had endless help from the White race” (p. 145). Putnam notes that Blacks in America have received more aid than anywhere else in the world. He concludes, “The Negro’s present behavior is entirely a taught reaction based upon fraud. The cure for this sort of sickness is to teach the truth” (p. 145). [The only thing that has changed over the last 50 plus years is that Blacks demand more and receive more. Whites are literally killing themselves feeding the avarice of Blacks and other races. What will Blacks do once they have exterminated the White race? Look to Black Africa for the answer unless they fortunate enough to live under Chinese oppression.]
    When asked, “How do you know our culture is superior,” Putnam answers, “Because the other cultures envy us, not vice versa. They not only want our money and other fruits of our achievement; they would like to enter our society if they could” (p. 148).
    Putnam is asked to define “leftist.” He defines a leftist as:
a person who believes in taking the money out of the pocket of the man who earned it and giving it to somebody else. To be a bit more cynical, often he is a man who seeks legal ways of stealing from the top in order to buy the support of the bottom. He is a man who lays stress on the Commandment “Love thy neighbor” and never mentions the Commandments “Thou shalt not covet” or “Thou shalt not steal” (p. 148).
    Envy is the driving motivation behind the hardcore leftists. He adds:
        Envy of our Anglo-American civilization, and of the qualities of mind and character which built it, is widespread among certain races, and operates in the same way — there is a strong drive to dispense its benefits to everybody while denigrating the source as “Puritan” or “reactionary”. . . .
        The leftist in the racial area seeks to take by force the hard-earned and long cherished customs, traditions, standards and other social and political attributes of our White society and distribute and share them with Negroes. . . .
        [Leftist tax] success, enterprise and thrift to support failure, indolence and improvidence (Pp. 147-148).
[Leftist policies as defined by Putnam have brought the United States to the abyss of destruction. If things do not soon change, the United States will fall into the abyss and become irrevocably and irreplaceably lost.]
    Commenting on compassion and charity toward the poor, one person concludes that the government ought to take an active role in carrying out this idea. Putnam notes that when the government acts, it is no longer charity. “The government takes by force from some and gives to others” (p. 157). [The government not only takes money by force to give to the poor, it also takes money to give to the rich, e.g., corporate welfare like banker bailouts following the 2008 crash.]
    To the communist doctrine “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need,” Putnam offers an analogy:
Picture a thug with a blackjack on a dark street. He slugs a passerby and steals his wallet. The thug has a need, the passerby has the ability to satisfy it. So the wallet changes hands. Such a philosophy can only result in hanging a millstone around the necks of diligence, enterprise and foresight while encouraging indolence, shiftlessness and theft (p.152).
Then he notes that when government and society excuse and appease bad behavior, more bad behavior is generated (pp. 151-151).
    About the concept of a world unified in brotherhood, Putnam replies, “A man who loves all countries, and all races, as much as he loves his own, is like the man who loves all women as much as he loves his wife. He merits suspicion” (p. 152).
    About church leaders who claim that the Christian religion demands integration, Putnam writes:
        I am puzzled by the attitude of churchmen nowadays who seem to think the Christian religion demands they support policies which are certain to lead to the aforesaid plucking down. They appear to care little for the heritage bequeathed them by their forebears, or for the millenniums of self-denial and self-discipline that have been a part of the growth of Western civilization and its codes of honor and decency.
        They nimbly forget the effort and sacrifice — and the handing on of a torch — through countless generations. This is the trust which they now propose to abandon. But before they dissipate so many of those values which their ancestors committed to their keeping, let such as these remember the words of Paul to the Corinthians. “It is required in stewards that a man be found faithful” (pp. 153-154).
    When asked what he would do if he were a Negro, Putnam replied, that he would find work within his limitation and be content with it. Then he adds that Negroes often refuse jobs for which they are suited because they have been taught that they are too good for such jobs. Instead they “loiter or riot in slums, cursing society, and hugging the illusion that they are the victims of injustice. Instead they are the victims of a false conception of themselves, and the only injustice in the situation is due to the leftists who misled them” (p. 157).
    When asked about the treatment of Negroes in America, Putnam answers, “The White man owes the Negro nothing. If there are any debts outstanding, they are owed by the Negro to the White man” (p. 158). Then he lists some of the things that Blacks owe to Whites: “hospitals, medicines, schools, food, opportunity, and a standard of living he could not possibly have acquired for himself” (p. 158). [To this day, Blacks continue to maintain that Whites owe them. Most Blacks believe that Black labor in the form of slaves built America. They believe, if the thought ever occurs to them, that the White man’s intelligence, ingenuity, foresight, accumulated wealth, institutions, etc. contributed little or nothing to the building of America — only their exploitation of Black slave labor built the country. Regrettably, far too many Whites also believe this nonsense. America would have been built without any Black labor. It would be a better country if the Negro were never brought here. It would be a country without racial strife where people are hired based on their cognitive ability instead of their race. The highly destructive welfare state may have never come into being. Thus, the productive would not be debilitated by having their wealth stolen to support the indolent, unproductive, and poor. Furthermore, the indolent, unproductive, and poor would not be reduced to being wards of the state. Perhaps more important, if Blacks never came here, today’s Whites would not be sniveling, spineless, self-hating, cowards destroying themselves and their country and culture to feed the insatiable demands of Blacks. Today most Whites believe that no sacrifice made by Whites for Blacks is too great — including the annihilation of the White race, to which many Whites look forward with great joy. (This may in part explain why Whites are failing to reproduce at a rate high enough to replace their stock.)]
    A Southern commenter noted that if Southerners raised the question about racial differences, the South would “lose the sympathy and help of Northern conservatives who are with us on states’ rights, decentralized government, and similar issues” (p. 166). In response, Putnam voices his complaint against Northern conservatives:
The latter [Northern conservatives] make good whipping-boys for liberals and that is about all. When they win elections they do it by providing a slight variant in liberalism; when they lose, they do it on grounds that make them a public laughing stock. They appear as hard-bitten, discredited economic reactionaries, longing for a depression, while the American people are enjoying the greatest and most widely distributed prosperity in history (p. 166).
[Not much has changed. Once in office one can hardly notice any difference between “conservatives” and “liberals.” They may differ only slightly in philosophy and policies. Their biggest difference is in rhetoric.] Putnam notes that conservatives consistently avoid using the racial issue [except to exceed liberals in unconditional surrender to Blacks] although it is a winning issue. [With the declared war on the White race and the fear, self-hatred, and cowardice instilled in Whites, raising the race issue may now lose more votes than it would gain.]
    In response to how the South mistreats the Negro, Putnam quotes a Georgian businessman who served on several juries during his life. The businessman said, “In all my experience in the courts I have never seen a Negro get justice. What he got was mercy” (p. 168).
    In Chapter 8, Putnam makes some concluding remarks about suppressing the truth about racial differences. He saw:
         . . . an Anglo-American majority battered and divided on other issues, guilt-ridden and bemused by the equalitarian dogma; one observed a mass media saturating the public with a scientific fraud promoted by a hierarchy whose aim was not the search for truth but political propaganda; one found ignorant political and judicial leaders, with mediocre minds and little moral stamina, drawn from a society whose human resources had been emasculated by two generations of compromise and appeasement. These were some of the results of the destruction. But they were not the source.
        Nor could the source lie in the humanitarian impulse itself. The drive for social justice and the awakening of sympathy for the unfortunate were both good (p. 182).
    The real crime is using good to promote evil “. . . with the trend toward sympathy with failure — toward encouragement of the underdog — had grown a tendency to disparage the superior and to fawn upon the inferior” (p. 183). Thus, the egalitarian dogma contains “within itself not only the seeds of its own proliferation, but of general collapse as well” (p. 183). He writes:
[I]n condemning the concept of inferiority, our society necessarily had had to destroy the concept of superiority, for one could not exist without the other. With its destruction had come the death of respect for authority, of pride in the achievements of the past, of reverence for tradition, of the wisdom to honor the heritage of one’s family, one’s race and one’s country (pp. 183-184).
Worst of all has been “the death of that quality in superior men which sprang from confidence not only in their own personal excellence but in that of their kind and race” (p. 184). With his death “passed the genius of true leadership” (p. 184). It is  the quality that gives “men the courage to tell the truth” (p. 184). The only hope for America, the West, and the White race is to kill the egalitarian lie of racial equality. Only when Whites learn and accept the truth about racial differences can they save their race, countries, and civilization. [Unfortunately, it may be too late for Whites to save themselves and their country and culture. To reverse 60 plus years of lies and propaganda of the false dogma of egalitarianism within a few years that Whites have left may be too much to expect. Such a task will require such fortitude that the world has not seen since the Confederate army.]
    [Putnam believes that scientists have misled political leaders with their egalitarian, socialistic ideology promoting racial equality while suppressing the vast body of evidence showing the inequality of the races, especially of the White and Negro races (for example, see page 166). To the contrary, the political leaders, who lust for power, are not being misled. They know that the egalitarian philosophy of race, economy, etc. concentrates more power into their hands. Thus, they promote the egalitarian scientists while ignoring the honest nonegalitarian scientists. He believes that if our political leaders knew the truth about the races being unequal, they would act differently. Most likely, they would not. Most probably do know the truth.
    Putnam also fails to realize that the super rich, the moneyed interest, control the politicians, socialists, communists, and other egalitarians including egalitarian scientists. (V. the Illuminist series by Thomas Allen.) To the extent that he recognizes their involvement, he considers it irrelevant. To him discussing the involvement of international bankers is like discussing the Constitution or states’ rights. It avoids the issue of racial inequality.
    Each race, like each individual, differs in temperament, intelligence, character,  etc. These differences are as much, if not more, genetic as they are environmental. For the betterment of mankind, egalitarianism has to be abandon. As the lesser cannot be raised to the level of the greater, the greater must be suppressed to the level of the lesser. Thus, egalitarianism demands the suppression of the greater to the detriment of mankind. Society needs to be organized so that each race and individual can develop to its highest capabilities and potential.
    An irony of egalitarianism is that the more successful egalitarians are at equalizing the environment of the populace, the more genetics determines I.Q. For more about genetics dominating cognitive ability, see The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Inheritance of Mental Ability by Cyrll Bur, Man’s Racial Nature and Race and Politics: the Racial Controversy by H.B. Isherwood, Race Difference in Intelligence by John C. Loehlin, Major Findings from Twin Studies of Ability, Personality, and Interests by Robert C. Nichols, Racial Difference in Mental Growth and School Achievements by R. Travis Osborne. Race, Intelligence and Bias in Academe by Roger Pearson, Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective by J. Philippe Rushton, A Question of Intelligence: The IQ Debate in America by Daniel Seligman, and Integration Is Genocide by Thomas Coley Allen.
    Dear reader, before you attempt to argue with an egalitarian about racial inequality, you need to heed the advice of a Southerner whom Putnam quotes:
“Any man who thinks that the average Negro is innately the intellectual equal of the average White man is too dumb to argue with” (p. 6).]
Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen. 

More articles on social issues.

Tuesday, April 18, 2017

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 2

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 2
Thomas Allen

    In Chapter 3, Putnam discusses the “statistics regarding the current performance of the Negro as a race in America” (p. 46). He presents evidence that the Black race is not equal to the White race.
    He begins with the following facts:
The American Negro on the average produced per capita eight times as many illegitimate children, six times as many feeble-minded adults, nine times as many robberies, seven times as many rapes and ten times as many murders as the White man. Conversely the Negro race produced one-sixth as many individuals with an Intelligence Quotient over 130, that is, in the gifted person category (p. 46).
These data are early 1960s data. [Unfortunately for the Negro and America, these statistics have not improved. After 50 years of integration, civil rights, war on poverty, special privileges like affirmative action and quotas, the media and scientific propaganda machine promoting racial equality, a court system skewed in favor of the Negro, Blacks have made no real progress.  If anything, these statistics have gotten worse. This 50-year experiment with racial equality has not raised Blacks, but it has lowered Whites. This experiment is destroying the White race, America, and Europe. Has this destruction been the real objective of the racial equality agenda all along?]
    Putnam discusses Haiti, the only completely Black-ruled country in the Western Hemisphere, which has been independent since 1804, and the disaster that it is (pp. 46-47). He offers the inability of Blacks to govern themselves effectively as evidence against racial egalitarians (pp. 47-48).
    He also remarks that the egalitarian like to confuse evidence with proof. If one piece of evidence in isolation fails to prove conclusively racial inequality, the racial egalitarians claim that racial inequality has been disproved (p. 48).
    His second piece of evidence for racial inequality is the innate differences between the White’s and the Black’s brain. Whites have a more complex brain structure. The frontal region of their brain is larger than that of Blacks.  He quotes Ward Halstead: “The frontal lobes are the portion of the brain most essential to biological intelligence. They are the organs of civilization — the basis of man’s hope for the future” (p 49). Putnam quotes several other scientists who support Ward’s conclusion (pp. 48-51).
    Putnam’s third piece of evidence also deals with innate brain differences (pp. 51-52). According to a study by F.W. Vint, “[T]he  supragranular layer of the Negro cortex was about 15 per cent thinner than the Whites” (p. 51). Furthermore, Blacks have “a significant simplicity in the convolutional pattern” (p. 51).
    His fourth piece of evidence is brain weight. The Negro brain weighs less than the White brain. When corrected for sex, body size, and proportion of parts and sulcification, “the weight of the brain correlates with intelligence” (p. 52).
    Putnam’s fifth piece of evidence is the argument that Dr. Carleton Coon presents in Origin of Races (pp. 53-54). Coon presents “the hypothesis that the White race crossed the evolutionary threshold from Homo erectus to Homo sapiens some 200,000 years ahead of the Negro” (p. 53).
    His sixth piece of evidence is:
. . . the speed of kinesthetic learning from birth to the first years of life — learning, that is, which involved the transition from uterine to infant patterns of muscular reflex and control. This speed seemed to be inversely correlated with the ultimate complexity to be attained by the cerebral cortex, which supported the established observation that in all mammalian life full mental stature develops early in direct relation to cerebral simplicity (p. 55).
Negro infants reach developmental milestones sooner than do White infants (p. 55).
    Putnam’s seventh piece of evidence is the electrophysiology of the brain, i.e., analyzing wave emissions, their cerebral location, and the brain’s electrical response to various stimuli. Blacks show lower response to the flicker of a high-speed electronic stroboscope than do Whites (pp. 55-56). An impoverished response to flicker implies “‘a failure of the brain to develop, in the areas of imagination, visualization and power of conceptual thought, toward anything approaching maturity’” (p. 56).
    His eighth piece of evidence is the inheritance of racial structure. “Races by definition were simply gene pools of distinguishable and distinctive physical characteristics whose anatomy, insofar as it involved the brain, produced corresponding mental differences. The same could be said of the whole nervous system and of the endocrine glands” (p. 57). Social anthropologists [most of whom are racial egalitarians] claim “that while inherited traits might have some bearing on behavior they were lost in the sea of cultural influences. . . . [T]hrough culture he [man] offset inheritance almost completely” (p. 57). To whom Putnam replies, “social anthropologists never asked the question: To what extent had the culture first been created, and then sustained, by genetic traits?” (p. 57). Studies of twins raised apart in radically different environments show that overall heredity exceeds environment in a ratio of about 3 to 1 (p. 58). [Like socioeconomic status, culture does not cause differences in I.Q. between Blacks and Whites; I.Q. creates the culture, and I.Q. differences is the cause of differences in socioeconomic status and culture. Cognitive ability precedes culture; it does not follow it although once developed a culture can affect cognitive ability.]
    Putnam’s ninth piece of evidence is I.Q. (pp. 58-61). He quotes Dr. Garrett’s summary of the work of Audrey Shuey, The Testing of Negro Intelligence:
    1. The I.Q.’s of American Negroes are from 15 to 20 points, on the average, below those of American whites.
    2. Negro overlap of white median I.Q.’s ranges from 10 to 25 per cent — equality would require 50 per cent.
    3. About six times as many whites as Negroes fall in the “gifted child” category.
    4. About six times as many Negroes as whites fall below 70 I.Q. — that is, in the feeble-minded group.
    5. Negro-white differences in mean test score occur in all types of mental tests, but the Negro lag is greatest in tests of an abstract nature — for example, problems involving reasoning deduction, comprehension. These are the functions called for in education above the lowest levels.   
    6. Differences between Negro and white children increase with chronological age, the gap in performance being largest at the high school and college levels.
    7. Large and significant differences in favor of whites appear even when socioeconomic factors have been equated. (pp. 58-59)
    Putnam also quotes Dr. Garrett’s summary of a comparison that he made of I.Q. data collected by the U.S. government and by Drs. Terman and Merrill:
    1. The average I.Q. of the Negro children is 80.7. The average I.Q. of the White children is 101.8.
    2. Five per cent of the Negroes achieved I.Q.’s above the average White child. Conversely, 89 per cent of the White children achieved I.Q.’s above the average Negro child.
    3. In the High-Average and Superior groups are found 31 per cent of the White children, and 1.1 per cent of the Negro children.
    4. In the Average or Normal group are 46.5 per cent of the White children, and 19 per cent of the Negro children.
    5. The Borderline and Defective groups contain 8.2 per cent of the Whites, and 50.2 per cent of the Negroes.
    6. The average Negro pupil (whose I.Q. is 80.7) cannot go beyond a national-standard Seventh grade curriculum; for half the Negro group, the Fifth grade is the maximum.
    7. Only one per cent of the Negroes are intellectually equipped (110 I.Q. and above) to do acceptable college work (p. 60).
    The egalitarian’s response to this irrefutable data is “the old environmentalist argument that the tests reflected a condition caused by White injustice” (p. 60). [Yet they offer no good scientific evidence or studies to support their assertion. As shown above, twin studies refute the egalitarian’s environmental claim.] Moreover, studies whose purpose was to show that the difference in the intellect of Whites and Blacks was caused by environment showed the opposite (p. 61).
    Putnam’s tenth and final piece of evidence is the historical experience. The racial egalitarians hold two contradictory and specious explanations to explain the Negro’s backwardness:
On the one hand they argued that the Negro had been isolated by geographical barriers from contact with civilizing influences and that White groups so isolated did no better than the Negro. On the other they advanced claims that the Negro had created magnificent civilizations in Africa, hitherto lost to history but now being discovered as their ruins were unearthed (p. 62).
    To refute the isolation argument, Putnam quotes A.L. Kroeber, a racial egalitarian and environmental (cultural) anthropologist:
All in all, Negro Africa lies open enough to the main Eurasian centers to have presumably experienced a slow cultural “bombardment” that constantly mingled new traits with old, foreign with acclimated, and acclimated elements with those indigenously evolved. Through the centuries and millennia, everything got worked over until it took on the native local color (p. 62).
Since ancient times, Arabs have had contact with Sub-Saharan Africa. For at least the last 500 years, Europeans have been in contact with Sub-Saharan Africa. “[Yet] none of this lifted the Negro out of is primitive condition” (p. 62).
    In response to the claim that the Negro had developed magnificent civilizations that are now lost, Putnam writes, “. . . there had been no “magnificent” Negro kingdoms in Africa in any civilized sense, that such barbaric cultures as existed were almost certainly intrusive, that the Moors and Ethiopians were not Negroes, and that the Nubian dynasty in Egypt was a period of retrogression” (pp. 62-63). He also argues [correctly] that the culture behind the ruins in Zimbabwe, Rhodesia, was not of Negro origin although Blacks probably built them. [Most likely, they were of Arab origin or possibly Chinese as porcelain of the Ming period has been found among the ruins (p. 63).] He quotes Dr. Robert Gayre, who concluded, “[T]here is absolutely no evidence at all that Zimbabwe and the other similar sites were built by the Bantu [Negroes], except as laborers” (p. 63).
    Putnam concludes his demonstration of the fallacies of the egalitarian conflicting proposition of isolation and lost civilizations with a quotation from Arnold Toynbee: “It will be seen that when we classify mankind by colour the only one of the primary races, given by this classification, which has not made a creative contribution to any one of our twenty-one civilizations is the Black Race” (p. 64).
    Some egalitarians assert that climate and disease, i.e., heat and tropical maladies, account for the Negro’s backwardness. To this claim, Putnam replies, “[T]here were many parts of Africa where the climate was good and . . . other parts of the world which had produced great civilizations where the climate was bad. Moreover, for a hundred years the Negro had been free of both tropical diseases and the incubus of climate in the old ex-slave settlement at Chatham, Ontario. Yet his performance there on intelligence tests followed the standard pattern” (pp. 64-65).
    Putnam notes that the leaders of scientific associations, the news and entertainment media, political and religious leaders, and the educational establishment do everything that they can to suppress the truth about race. [They also suppress the truth about the medical system including prescription medication and vaccines, firearms and crime, immigration, terrorism, 9-11, the economy and monetary system, and just about everything else of importance.]
    In Chapter 4, Putnam reviews a court case in Georgia about integration and the events leading up to that case.
    He notes that before Boas and his disciples gained power, no one questioned the “innate race differences, so no one in those days suspected the existence of a Negro ‘right’ to integration in our [White] schools” (p. 67). Indeed, the courts had established that Blacks did not have the right to integrate White schools (p. 67).
    The first task of the racial egalitarians and integrationists was to discredit the biological facts. The Boas dogma of culture, environment, makes the race, not genetics, was ideal for this job. Articles based on Boas’ doctrines filled law reviews and sociological journals (pp. 67-69).
    The first decisive case where Boas’ dogma prevailed was the Covenant Case of 1948, which dealt with racial restrictions in real estate agreements. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of integration and struck down these restrictions (pp. 68-69).
    The Brown decision to desegregate public schools was perhaps the greatest victory of Boas’ dogma (pp. 69-71). In part the Supreme Court based its decision on sociological material that had not been introduced in evidence. [Such action is a gross abuse of power and duty by an appellate court.] In the Brown decision, the Supreme Court referenced Myrdal’s An American Dilemma, which had not been introduced as evidence and which “was Boas from beginning to end” (p. 70).
    One of the most important evidence that swayed the Court was the doll study of Kenneth Clark, a Negro. Clark testified that a majority of Black children from segregated schools preferred the White doll to the Black doll and chose the White doll as the one looking most like themselves. He used a sample of 16. [A major way to lie with statistics is to use a small sample. That way, if enough small samples are used, one will eventually get the desired results. The other samples are ignored.] Earlier Clark had performed his doll study with a much larger sample of Black children from public schools in Arkansas and in Massachusetts. He found “the southern children in segregated schools are less pronounced in their preference for the white doll, compared to the northern [unsegregated] children’s definite preference for this doll. Although still in a minority, a higher percentage of southern children, compared to northern, prefer to play with the colored doll or think that it is a ‘nice’ doll” (p. 72). Thus, to the extent that the doll study shows personality damage, segregation is less damaging than integration (pp. 71-74).
    Next Putnam discusses some testimony in the Stell vs. the Savannah Board of Education. During this trial, the defense presented scientists who supported segregation because of the genetic differences between Blacks and Whites. The plaintiff presented no scientists to argue against them (pp. 74-86). [Perhaps the defense knew that the “deck was stacked against the defense.” The defense believed, correctly, that no matter how convincing the scientific data favored segregation, the defense would win on appeal, which it did, if it did not win at trial, which it did not. The school system was going to integrate whatever the outcome of the trial — so much for the rule of law.]
    In Chapter 5, Putnam continues discussing the Savannah court trail, the Stell case.
    During the trial, Putnam observed van der Haag’s thumbnail sketch of a worldwide condition in action:
Indoctrinate a controlling group of scientists in a politically oriented, environmentalist dogma over a period of two generations; make a moral issue out of something immoral; persecute and suppress any dissenters; infiltrate the mass media; and finally persuade the courts by introducing only falsified evidence. Thereafter rely solely, in those courts, on the “majority” view. Never again permit the truth to come to light if you can help it (pp. 88-89).   
    In its decision, the trial court agreed with the scientific information submitted by the defense witnesses. It ruled in favor of the school board, i.e., in favor of segregated schools, and against the plaintiff, i.e., against integrated schools. Ignoring the evidence entirely, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the trial court decision (pp. 89-92). [Such a ruling by the Circuit Court was to be expected. Egalitarians and other statists controlled the higher federal courts. Their job was to expand the power of the U.S. government and control over the States, local governments, and the people. Forced integration has certainly done this.]
    Putnam discusses the Circuit Court’s declaration that assigning exceptional Negro pupils whose abilities exceeded the average White pupil to segregated black schools was discriminatory. Negroes should be treated as individuals and not as members of a group. Thus, all Blacks should be allowed to integrate White schools. Putnam applies the Circuit Court’s reasoning to minors. Laws deny minors the right to drive, vote, or marry [or to buy alcohol, tobacco, and firearms] simply because the average minor is not considered wise, experienced, or mature enough to do these things. However, some minors have better judgment, more experience, and more intelligence than many adults. Therefore, following the Circuit Court’s reasoning minors should be allowed to vote, marry, and drive cars [and to buy, own, and use alcohol, tobacco, and firearms] (pp. 92-93).

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.


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Monday, April 10, 2017

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 1

Review of Putnam’s Race and Reality -- Part 1
Thomas Allen
       
    The following is a review of Race and Reality: A Search for Solution (Carlton Putnam, 1967; Cape Canaveral, Florida: Howard Allen Enterprises, 1980), by Carleton Putnam. My comments are enclosed in brackets. I have provided references to pages in his book and have enclosed them in parentheses.
    Putnam opposes school desegregation and integration. Therefore, his book contains less deceit and fewer errors than books supporting integration. Thus, it requires fewer corrections. Most of my remarks are supporting commentary.
    I have quoted a good deal from his book because many of his remarks are priceless gems that are poignant and cogent. Unfortunately, most conservatives now believe the lies preached by liberals, progressives, socialists, communists, and other egalitarians about racial equality. Most libertarians believe these lies because their ideology does not allow them to believe otherwise. Thus, Martin Luther King has been deified.
    In Chapter 1, Putnam contemplates what he should have included in his first book (v. "Review of Putnam’s Race and Reason" by Thomas Allen). He is surprised by “the extent to which otherwise rational people were willing to be deceived  . . ., but not as much as the lengths to which public leaders, scholars, churchmen, and the mass media would go to alter the fabric of our society in the deception’s name”  (p. 2).
    He reviews some events that had taken place since he wrote his first book. “The passage of Civil Rights Acts, the pro-Negro pressures of government departments and the Negro-oriented stance of the opinion-forming agencies of our society had only resulted in increasing racial tensions throughout the country.” Race riots had occurred in Philadelphia, New York, Rochester, Cleveland, Los Angeles, and other cities. Civil wars, rebellions, coups d’etat, and other acts of political violence had become common in Africa (pp. 1-2). [Some of the worst race riots were still to come. Most of them were outside the South.]
    Putnam comments on the American Anthropological Association condemning people, especially scientists, who maintained that Blacks were not mentally equal to Whites. When presented evidence of racial differences, these racial egalitarians either ignored the evidence or answered with assertions instead of evidence. Putnam writes, “The Anglo-American scientific hierarchy, speaking through their various associations and magazines, invariably retorted with assertions, not with evidence” (p. 5). Sadly, most people choose to believe the assertions and to ignore the evidence to the contrary (pp. 3-6). [This attitude probably results from laziness and fear. Much more intellectual effort is needed to analyze and accept evidence than to merely believe an assertion. Also, many fear taking a position that those with political power reject.]
    He notes that a poll taken in 1942 showed that 20 percent of Southerners and 50 percent of Northerners thought that Blacks and Whites were intellectually equal. When the poll was taken in 1956, 80 percent of Northerners and 60 percent of Southerners believed the races to be intellectually equal (p. 6). [This is proof of the effectiveness of propaganda in convincing people to believe a lie. Undoubtedly, these numbers are much higher today. However, one must wonder about the accuracy of today’s response. Are people telling the posters what the posters want to hear, or are they lying out of fear of being labeled a “racist”?]
    Putnam notes that “the dissolution of the colonial system among backward peoples . . . stemmed from the assumption that these people had the innate capacity to maintain stable, free societies. . . . The promiscuous granting of foreign aid . . . rested on the same assumption” (p. 6). [This assumption seems to have been replaced by the uncontrollable desire to destroy the White race.]
    Putnam favors Western European countries overseeing backward countries — governing them similar to the old colonial system but without exploitation. He favors some kind of United Nation mandate system (p. 7, passim). [Abandoning the colonial system offered the imperial powers a great opportunity if they had completely forsaken imperialism. Instead, they replaced their overt imperialism with covert imperialism, such as foreign aid, meddling in the domestic affairs of backward countries, and nation building. Moreover, Africa would be a more peaceful continent if the European powers had drowned political borders of counties to match tribal boundaries.]
    Putnam believes that the domestic and foreign policies of the United States should be based on the concept that the races have different cognitive abilities instead of basing them on the concept of the races being equal in abilities (p. 7). [First, Putnam gives political leaders too much credit and benefit of the doubt. Most probably knew that Blacks lacked the cognitive abilities of Whites. They had another agenda in mine — the destruction of the United States, Western civilization, and the White race. Second, the science of Putnam’s day proved that the races were not equal. Today, science proves their inequality beyond a doubt to anyone with a functioning brain cell.]
    Putnam wonders why conservatives and especially Southerners failed to use the strongest argument against the integrationist agenda. That argument is that the races are innately, genetically, unequal in their capacities. [Most conservatives and many Southerners seem to accept the integrationist dogma of racial equality or at least act as though they do.] By failing to argue racial inequality, which the scientific literature supported, conservatives lost to the liberals and integrationists. As Putnam remarks, “It became quite appropriate to refer to the conservative movement and the Republican Party as the liberals’ kept opposition” (p. 8). [Even 50 years later, conservatives and the Republican party, or Stupid party as Sam Francis liked to call it, remains the liberals’ kept opposition.] Putnam believes that this failure resulted from changes that had occurred before World War I. “Confidence in both the moral and physical force of rectitude had gradually disappeared. Respect for distinction had gone, too — and with it respect for authority in the home, in the community and in the state. All of these things tended to sap a man’s courage to assert a vested pride in his personal heritage — might it not be just as true as to the heritage of his race” (pp. 8-9)? However, he noted that minority groups only held a balance of power when the White majority was divided (pp. 7-9).
    He condemns conservative leaders who focused on communism or conspiracy while avoiding any mentioning of racial inequality (p. 9). These conservatives believed, or at least acted as though they believed, the assertion of racial equality. If they had defeated the dogma of racial equality, they would have defeated communism and socialism as they depend on the egalitarian dogma (pp. 9-10).
    Putnam comments on social injustice and writes:
With occasional but not statistically significant exceptions, in America at least, a man might be poor and “underprivileged” for one of three reasons: (1) because of innate limitations; (2) because of laziness and improvidence; or (3) because of social injustice. No one questioned the imperative to correct category 3. But what the equalitarian did was to seek to blur the distinction between all the categories and particularly to transpose 1 into 3. This must increase rather than abate class and race conflict for while most reasonable men would be willing to see their savings and perhaps other fruits of their industry, intelligence and self-denial taxed or destroyed to correct 3, few would submit indefinitely to such a procedure on behalf of 1 and 2 (p. 10).
America has come to accept reason 1 as equivalent to reason 3. Thus, it has a society built on a false premise. He wonders how long such a society can last (pp. 10-11). [Fifty years later, America is suffering greatly from living the lie of racial equality. It may be on the verge of collapsing. At least its first Black president is doing every thing possible to bring America down.]
    Putnam asks, “[Is it] in the interest of those minorities who had either sought refuge here, or who had found a refuge by continuing here, that those values should be changed — and changed in a direction which must eventually produce the very conditions from which refuge had been sought?” (pp. 11-12). “Those values” are the values on which the founding stock built America, that is, “its law, its language, its government, its religion, its pioneering enterprise and its stability of character” (p. 11). [The answer appears to be that most immigrants want to replace these values with the values from which they flee and, by that, produce the very conditions from which refuge is sought.]
    In conclusion, Putnam could not find any real “justification for the evasive, self-defeating attitude of conservatives, or the outright self-betrayal of Anglo-American liberals” (p. 12). The best answer that he could find was “ignorance.” However, it is “a strange, self-perpetuating kind of ignorance bordering on hypnosis, an ignorance nourished by the pervasive power of the news and entertainment media after it had first been instilled by the academic hierarchy — an ignorance buttressed by feelings of guilt which the ignorance itself created” (p. 12). [If it is ignorance, then that ignorance has been well fertilized over the last 50 years. Most likely, the cause is not ignorance.  Ignorant men seldom become leaders. Most likely, the reason is a satanic lust to destroy the White race. This lust has infected far too many brilliant Whites.]
    In Chapter 2, Putnam discusses the fantasy of racial inequality and the motivation and techniques used to conceal the facts of racial inequality.
    He notes that modern anthropology as taught in American universities is the result of a political ideology. At the base of modern anthropology is the socialist dogma. Socialism rests on the notion that all humanity is innately equal. Therefore, socialists needed “to discover that the sole reason why inequalities existed was because of variable environments” (p. 14). “Thus the responsibility for poverty and failure could be placed chiefly on society, not on the individual, and the rebuilding of the social order on socialist lines could be justified” (p. 14).
    Putnam remarks that before Marx and Fabian socialism, “the infant science of anthropology had found no evidence of innate equality” (p. 15). He provides several examples of early anthropologist supporting racial inequality (pp. 15-16).
    The idea of racial equality began with Marx and Engels and accelerated with Franz Boas. Putnam provides some background information on Boas, who was a Jew and a socialist and was connected with 46 communist fronts (p. 20). [Thus, the force behind integration is the racial equality dogma. Behind the racial equality dogma is the socialist and communist egalitarian dogma.] Boas became the leading exponent of environmental, i.e., cultural or social, anthropology in the United States and made it the most popular and publicized school of anthropology (p. 20).
    Next Putnam discusses the disciples of Boas and the influence that they have had (pp. 21-26).
    Putnam identifies four major techniques used to promote the dogma of racial equality. First is “the undocumented assertion by the scientific hierarchy channeled through the news media” (p. 26). The second and third techniques are “debate by avoidance and diversion . . . to political grounds . . . and of argument by outright chicanery” (p.26). Fourth is “the suppression and persecution of scientists who offered to tell the truth” (p. 26). He offers examples of these techniques (26ff). [Not only have the four techniques been used in the discussion of racial issue, they have been used in the discussion of climate change and many other supposedly scientific debates.]
    Putnam comments on the UNESCO Statement on Race, which was a propaganda statement. He quotes the criticism of several leading anthropologists, geneticists, zoologists, and biologists (pp. 26-29).
    The news media promoted the Statement on Race, but seldom reported replies critical of it. Also, the news media printed articles supporting and promoting racial equality, i.e., “no inborn differences of temperament, personality, character, or intelligence among the races” exist. Yet replies to such articles, if allowed, are restricted to letters-to-the-editor (pp. 29-30). Putnam offers examples of the tricks that the media uses to subvert the truth (pp. 30-34). [After 50 years, nothing has changed. Well, not exactly, the chicaneries of the media are more refined and devious. Much egalitarianism and anti-White propaganda is stealthy inserted and inculcated through television shows. Moreover, what passes for news is often propaganda. The media is even bolder now than then about suppressing and corrupting the truth.]
    Next Putnam discusses “the technique of argument by avoidance through political diversion or substitution. It consisted in retreating from one untenable scientific position to another, hoping to benefit from the ignorance of the opponent, failing which the shift was quickly made to non-scientific grounds such as civil rights and the Constitution” (p. 34). He gives examples (34ff).
    Instead of providing scientific data to prove the equality of the races, they use specious arguments that have nothing to do with science, such as the U.S. Constitution guarantees racial equality. About the constitutional assuring racial equality, Putnam [correctly] states: "It is totally incorrect to say that a ‘principle of equality’ is embodied in the Constitution. The 14th Amendment refers to ‘equal protection of the laws,’ but nowhere in this amendment, nor anywhere else in our national charter, is there any support for a concept of social or biological equality” (pp. 34-35). [As Putnam states, the Constitution does not assure racial equality. The Supreme Court and promoters of socialism and racial equality merely claim that it does. The authors of the Constitution wrote it for themselves and their posterity (“We . . . [to] secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution. . . .”) Those who adopted the Constitution adopted it for themselves and their posterity. The authors and adopters were White; their posterity was White. They did not entertain the thought that Negroes and Indians were citizens, and, therefore, they did not have the same rights, privileges, or duties as Whites. When the U.S. government adopted affirmative action laws and imposed quotas, it nullified the 14th Amendment’s “equal protection of the laws” provision. Affirmative action and quotas give legal advantage to the protected group that is not available to others. Moreover, the reason that opponents of racial inequality do not argue using science is because the science supporting racial equality is weak or nonexistent. The science that supports racial inequality is strong and prominent. One sees the same type of arguing by religious leaders who promote integration. They seldom refer to specific Biblical passages to support their argument for integration. The Biblical support for segregation is strong and occurs from Genesis to Revelations. (V. “The Bible, Segregation, and Miscegenation”: “A Review of The South and Christian Ethics,” and “Review of Segregation and Desegregation,” False Biblical Teachings on the Origins of the Races and Interracial Marriages, and Integration Is Genocide;  all by Thomas Allen)]
    Putnam comments on the collaboration between the media and the hierarchy of scientific organizations to support the political doctrine of egalitarianism (pp. 36-37). He strongly objects “to the political views as a substitute for science and to the prostitution of the authority of scientific organizations by its use in supporting propaganda” (p. 37). He finds reprehensible that the scientific hierarchy neither debates the science of racial equality or inequality nor bases its political position on the facts (p. 37).
    Putnam does not think much of appeasement. He writes, “the more one appeased the more the encroachment was invited” (p. 38). People who appease “would never win any help worth having by lying to, and fawning upon, backward people” (p. 38). [One sees this effect in the civil rights movement. The more Whites surrendered to Blacks, the more Blacks demanded. Appeasement has resulted in open borders and flooding the United States with nonwhites. Appeasement will be the death of America. It has destroyed the White man’s will to survive and promote his interest. It has made him a self-hating coward.] He adds:
If scientists wish to express their personal political views as private citizens, that is of course their privilege. But I do not think they have a right to get together as a group speaking as scientists (with all their public authority as scientists) and then falsify science in undocumented public pronouncements on political issues, simply because their private political opinions make them believe this is justified. They have no more right to do this than a group of doctors would have the right to join in a medical association and announce that a diet of spinach would prevent cancer, simply because as individuals they believe the sale of spinach would help the farmer (p. 38).
    Next Putnam discusses the technique of suppression. He provides examples (39ff) and gives examples of scientists who lost their jobs or were not employed because of scientific data that they published. Other scientists felt threatened with the loss of their jobs if they sided with the truth of genetic racial inequality.
He writes:
. . . all the other techniques contributed to the weapon of persecution. They elevated the equalitarian dogma into a fetish by their ceaseless repetition through the media. The result was an academic climate highly unfavorable to free discussion, for it led to social ostracism, bitterness between colleagues, and personal disapproval of the individual worker and his family. Beyond this the persecution technique raised higher barriers. With ruthless brutality it struck the pocketbook nerve (p. 39)
[After reading Putnam’s examples of suppression, one realizes that science is not open to free discussion and inquiry. It is like a religion with its own dogmas and doctrines. Any member of that religion, scientists, who opposes these dogmas and doctrines not only risks ostracism, but is often ostracized to the point of unemployment and is prevented from employment in any related fields. The argument is not won by the person who presents the most convincing evidence. It is won by the person who wields the most political and economic power. When the political agenda conflicts with scientific truth, the truth must be suppressed.]
    Finally, Putnam discusses the technique of argument by chicanery (41ff). Again he gives examples. Perhaps the most common trick is to compare the best of one group with the worst of the other group; such a procedure has no validity. Thus, the racial egalitarians compare the above average Negro with the below average White and declare that Blacks are equal to Whites (p. 42).  Comparisons should be made by comparing average against average, best against best, or lowest against lowest. [When likes are compared, Blacks are shown to have lower I.Q. than Whites.] Another technique is to confuse intraracial differences, which are enormous, with interracial differences (p. 44).

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

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Thursday, March 30, 2017

Gold Miners and the Gold Standard

Gold Miners and the Gold Standard
Thomas Allen

    One of the many arguments used against the gold standard is that gold is at the mercy and whim of a single industry: the gold mining industry. The gold mining industry decides how much gold is available. This argument that gold miners decide the amount of gold available for money fails on at least four accounts.
    First, current mining of gold provides only a small fraction of gold available for monetary use. Nearly all the gold ever mined is available. Gold miners typically provide about 2500 tons of gold per year to a world stock of around 155,000 tons.
    Second, when the real bills doctrine and decentralized banking accompany the gold standard, the quantity of paper money (credit money) available does not correspond to the quantity of gold available. Bank notes and checkable deposits can expand and contract to meet the needs of commerce independently of the quantity of gold. Gold mining does not have a monopoly on gold-based money.
    Third, gold’s monetary value depends on the integrity of the monetary unit and its issuer and not just the quantity of money. Having a definite fixed monetary unit is more important than the actions of gold miners.
    Fourth, the profit motive guides gold miners. They have an incentive to provide their customers as much gold as they demand in a cost-effective way. Profits of gold mining increases as output increases and production cost decreases. The desire for profit drives gold miners and not the monetary needs of the country or the desire of gold miners to manipulate the money supply.
    Opponents of the gold standard claim that the markets do not regulate the gold supply. Gold miners usually mine gold as fast as they can. Smart miners do not necessarily mine all that they can as fast as they can. They mine at a rate that maximizes their return. Furthermore, the consumer is the final determinant in the quantity of gold mined by his consumption of gold and gold products.
    Under the gold standard, the markets regulated the quantity of gold coins and gold bullion used as money. If the markets demand more coins, jewelry, flatware, and other items of gold are converted to coins. Gold dealers and others melt gold products into bullion bars and present this gold to the mint for coinage. If the markets decide that too much gold is being used for money, people melt the excess gold coins and use the gold for other purposes, such as gold teeth and jewelry.
    One feature of the gold standard is that it is self-regulating and automatically adjusts to meet the demand for metallic money. Some opponents of the gold standard are convinced that gold miners regulate the supply of gold by how much gold they mine. Gold miners do add to the supply of gold by the amount that they mine. However, unless they are coining their gold, they are not adding to the monetary stock. (The exception is the Rothbard school, which claims that all gold regardless of form — the weight of the metal and not its form makes the money — is part of the monetary stock.) The markets decide how much gold is being used as money. They decide that by the quantity of gold brought to the mint for coinage and by how many coins are melted for other uses. If the value of gold in jewelry, for example, begins to rise in relationship to the value of gold in coins, people will melt the coins and convert them to the more valuable jewelry until the value of the two are brought back in line. If the value of gold in coins begins to rise in relationship to gold in jewelry, people will convert the gold in jewelry into coins until the value of the two are brought back in line. Gold miners may influence the quantity of gold available, but they do not decide how much of the available gold is used as money.       
    Some opponents seem to believe that the gold standard operates like the current fiat-paper-monetary standard where bankers lend new money into circulation. They fear gold miners lending new gold money into circulation. Gold miners could do this, but it is highly unlikely. They would only be lending about 2 percent of the world gold stock. The other 98 percent is available for monetary use without borrowing or lending. Are people really going to borrow that 2 percent?
    Gold miners do not lend newly mined gold into circulation. They spend newly mined gold into circulation by paying their employees, stockholders, bondholders, creditors, and suppliers and also by paying their taxes and utilities.
    Contrary to the claims of opponents of the gold standard, gold miners do not control the quantity of gold available for monetary use. They merely add a small percent to the global gold supply each year. The markets decide how much gold is to be used as money in the form of  gold coins and monetary bullion.

Copyright © 2013 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Monday, March 20, 2017

The Yankee

The Yankee
Thomas Allen

    Who is the Yankee? In his book The Yankee Problem: An American Dilemma (Columbia, South Carolina: Shotwell Publishing LLC, 2016), Dr. Clyde Wilson gives an excellent description of the Yankee. (Pages numbers in parentheses reference Wilson’s book.)
    The Yankee is a descendant of New England Puritans and their latter allies, the radicals and revolutionaries, many of whom were Jews, who fled Europe after their failed Revolution of 1848. He is easily recognized by his “arrogance, hypocrisy, greed, lack of congeniality, and penchant for ordering other people around” (p. 1). Also, he is “self-righteous, ruthless, and self-aggrandizing” (p. 2). The guiding principle of the Yankee is that he is compelled to meddle in everyone else's business, both home and abroad. He cannot just leave people alone. Moreover, he has an uncontrollable desideratum to remake the world in his own image.
    Furthermore, the Yankee is “contemptuous of good manners, boastful, ever ready to cast away traditions for the newest idea, and see making money as the chief object of life. Equality and majority rule for them should determine everything — in society and culture as well as before the law” (p. 20). (An example of the “‘out with the old’” and “‘in with the new’” is the condemnation and overt destruction of traditional man-woman marriages while promoting same-sex “marriage.” Heterosexuals are now abnormal while homosexuals and transgenders are now normal.) He is never satisfied unless he is making changes.
    The Yankee reveals himself as “the greedy rent-seekers through government and the moralistic reformers. . .” (p. 24). Greedy-rent-seeking-through-government results in protective tariff and import quotas, subsidies for agriculture and businesses, centralized banking, and internal improvements (subsidies for building roads, canals, harbors, and airports and for urban renewal) — in short, the Hamiltonian government-business partnership made permanently by Lincoln. Moralistic reform results in abolitionism, prohibition of alcohol and tobacco, the war on drugs, the war on poverty, the civil rights movement, homosexual and transgender rights, the drive to make every religion acceptable except Christianity, which must be eradicated, etc. Furthermore, the Yankee is the “builder of the all-powerful ‘multicultural’ therapeutic state (with himself giving the orders and collecting the rewards) which is the perfection of history. . .” (pp 8-9).
    As Wilson notes, “Yankees have no civilization — only money and ideology. Without us [other Americans especially Southerners] to abuse and claim to feel superior to, they would not exist” (p. 15). Thus, Yankees are the real supremacists. Nevertheless, hypocrites that they are, they are always condemning supremacists — white and racial supremacists, male and sexual supremacists, civilization and cultural supremacists, the wealthy, etc. Moreover, continues Wilson, “The identification of God with America and the United States with infallible righteousness is Yankee stuff through and through. It is exactly the type of ‘religion’ that was used to deify Lincoln and justify the conquest of the South in 1861-1865” (p. 15). Such underlaid Bush in his war with Iraq and Afghanistan and Obama’s continuation and expansions of wars in the Middle East and Africa.
    The Yankee places great value on education and was a pioneer in public schools, government churches. However, the education that he promotes is superficial. He wants people to be educated enough to read and be swayed by a demagogue, but not learned enough to analyze what he has read. To the Yankee, the purpose of education is to train obedient servants and workers; it is not to enlighten and teach people to think and be creative.
    In the nineteenth century, Yankees were the abolitionists, prohibitionists, and promoters of protective tariffs, centralize banking, and internal improvements. John Quincy Adams, Henry David Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Horace Greeley, William Cullen Bryant, Thaddeus Stevens, John Brown, and Horace Mann are notable nineteenth-century examples. Today, notable examples are Hillary Clinton, John Kerry, and both George Bush the elder and the younger. Other examples are Teddy Roosevelt, Timothy McVeigh, and John Dewey. On the religious side, Yankeeism appears in Charles G. Finney, Joseph Smith (founder of the Mormons), William Miller (founder of the Seventh Day Adventists), and Billy Sunday. Besides birthing Mormonism, Seventh Day Adventism, abolitionism, prohibition, Yankeeism has also birthed vegetarianism, feminism, progressive education, and all sorts of social experiments. (Abolitionism had almost nothing to do with the plight of Black slaves and a great deal to do with hatred of Southerners.) Over the last two centuries, the Yankee has seized control of the American educational system, American history, American literature, the media, and just about every other aspect of American life. In the United States today, the domain of the Yankee is easily recognized. It is the blue states — the northeast, the upper Midwest, and the Pacific coast.
    If one wishes to learn more about these peculiar people, Yankees, he should read Dr. Wilson’s The Yankee Problem.

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Articles on Southern Issues.

Saturday, March 11, 2017

Land-Backed Currency

Land-Backed Currency
Thomas Allen

    Some people recognize the absurdity of the current monetary system based on the concept of backing bank notes and the electronic equivalent with promissory notes that promise to pay with bank notes that promise to pay nothing. They have been taught that gold is the worst sort of money — even worse than the current monetary system. So, some suggest backing the currency with land. Unfortunately for them, land makes low quality money.
    For any commodity, including land, to serve adequately as money, it needs to be portable (relatively high value per unit of weight), homogeneous or uniform, durable, divisible, recognizable, highly marketable (highly liquid, universally acceptable), and stable in value. Also, the commodity used for money should be fairly scarce, but not too scarce. Furthermore, it should have a high stock-to-flow ratio, that is, the quantity of the commodity readily available for use as money is high compared with the newly added supply.
    Portability. Land scores extremely low in portability. How does one transport a square kilometer of land from Iceland to New Zealand? Presumably, the land could be dug up and transported by ship. Then, how deep does one dig? Moreover, the cost of transporting the land probably would far exceed the value of the land.
    Homogeneity. Land scores extremely low in homogeneity. In valuing land, location is vitally important. Land in the City of London has much more value than an equal area of land in central Greenland.
    Durability. Land scores high in durability, especially if its use is ignored.
    Divisibility. Land scores high in divisibility. It can be subdivided to where a magnifying glass is needed to see it.
    Recognizability. Land also scores high in recognizability. Everyone can recognize land.
    Marketability. Land scores low in marketability. It cannot be transferred in seconds from one owner to another without a significant, often a great, loss in value. Moreover, days may be needed to transfer land ownership legally. Thus, land is not highly liquid. Also, land is not universally acceptable as payment for goods, services, and debt.
    Stability. Land scores low in stability of value. In 1991, the aggregate value of all the land in Japan was almost four times that of the United States. By 2005, land in Japan had lost half its value while land in the United States had more than tripled in value.
    Scarcity. Land scores extremely low in scarcity. Next to salt water, it is earth’s most abundant commodity. It is the most abundant commodity if the land beneath the oceans is counted.
    Stock to Flow: Land has an excellent stock-to-flow ratio. The amount of new land being formed is insignificant compared to existing land. Also, land being destroyed is insignificant.
    Land scores high in durability, divisibility, recognizability, and stock to flow. However, it scores low in portability, homogeneity, marketability, stability, and scarcity. The negative attributes of land as money far outweigh its positive attributes. They make land an extremely poor quality money. (On the other hand, gold scores very high in all the aforementioned attributes that high quality money should have. Thus, gold makes an exceptionally high quality money.)
    In spite of being a poor quality money, land has been used to back currencies that were redeemable in land. An example of a land-backed currency is the assignat.
    Soon after the revolutionists came to power in France, they established a land-backed paper currency called the assignat. Land that the revolutionary government had confiscated from the Catholic Church, the Crown, and Royalist refugees backed the assignat. Buying land from the government redeemed the assignats, i.e., the government convert assignats into land. When the assignat became legal tender in 1790, it traded at par with specie. By 1796, its value had dropped to zero. Even the death penalty and the Reign of Terror could not maintain its value. In 1796, the government replaced assignats with mandates, another land-backed currency that could be converted into land. Mandates circulated only a few months before they, along with assignats, lost their legal-tender status and became worthless.
    In conclusion, unlike gold, which is high quality money, land is low quality money. Any monetary system based on land or backed by land results in low quality money.

Copyright © 2016 by Thomas Coley Allen.

Tuesday, February 28, 2017

Gold Is Sterile

Gold Is Sterile
Thomas Allen

    Some opponents of the gold standard claim that gold is a sterile commodity with little real value. Gold as money is barren, unproductive, and offers a “yield of nil.” Unlike land, it produces nothing. Thus, it is highly undesirable — that is, it is undesirable in the hands of the people. It is so undesirable in the hands of the people; the U.S. government, like all communist and most other authoritarian governments, denied private ownership of gold between 1933 and 1974. It like other despotic governments tried to monopolize every ounce of gold.
    Monopolistic ownership of gold gives a government and its banking collaborators in crime unchecked power to manipulate the money and the people. Such control is what fiat money advocates want, except many would cut the bankers out of their criminal deal. Under a gold-coin standard with unrestricted ownership and usage of gold, the people own and control the money.
    Many of these opponents of gold ignore gold’s important industrial uses, such as its use in electronic devices and jewelry. Gold’s nonmonetary uses and its use as a store of value in part gives gold its monetary value. Its use as money also imparts value to gold.
    Under the gold standard, gold can offer a yield. Gold bonds pay interest in gold just as fiat-money bonds pay interest in fiat money.
    Gold is not sterile because it renders a service to the holder. If it did not, no one would exchange any nonmoney good or service for it. About the sterility or unproductivity of gold as money, Hutt writes, “The essences of all these services [of money] is availability. . . . [M]oney assets are not unemployed or resting when they are in our pockets, or in our tills, or in our banking accounts, but in pseudo-idleness, like a piano when it is not being played, or a fireman or a fire engine when there are no fires.”[1]
    Money, whether in the form of gold, silver, or fiat currency, is never idle in the economic sense. Whether being spent or saved, it is always performing a monetary service. Hoarded money merely serves a different purpose than circulating money.

Endnote
1. William Harold Hutt, Individual Freedom: Selected Works of William H. Hutt, editors Svetozar Pejovich and David Klingaman (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1975), pp.207-209.

Copyright © 2015 by Thomas Coley Allen.